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JOHN W. HALES, M.A. FRKDKRKK J. FURNIVALL, M.A.
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PREFACE
TO
THE SECOND VOLUME,
As the first volume was specially that of Arthur and Gawaiue, of Bobin Hood and his great compeer, now almost forgotten, * Randolph, Erl of Chestre,' so this second volume is specially that of Sir Grey, who did such naighty deeds for England, and the pathos of whose death in his hermit's cell near Warwick has never yet been worthily sung.
But the Arthur and Gawaine stories are here continued in The Grene Knight^ the Boy and Mantle, and Libius Disconius ; and we have besides, in the present volume, versions of some of the best of our English ballads, Chevy Chase, Childe Waters, Bell my Wiffe, Bessie off Bednall, &c. Of one of the best of them. King Estmet^e, Percy's ruthless hands (p. 200, note) have prevented us giving the MS. version of the folio. We have been unable to find any other MS. or printed copy of this ballad, and have therefore been obliged to put side by side in an appendix Percy's two printed versions of it, with all their dififerences from each other marked in italics, so that readers may judge for them- selves as to his probable amount of alteration in the other parts.
The folio version of Bell my Wiffe — a ballad to which Shak- spere's quotation of it in Othello has secured immortality — is believed to be the earliest known ; and as it just filled a page
PREFACE TO THE SECOND TOLUME.
in the MS. it was chosen for photolithographing, and an im- pression of it will be given with Vol. III. for Vol. I.
John de Reeue is (among other pieces) here printed for the first time, and if it can be taken in any degree as a picture of the bondman's condition at the time it represents, or even the time it was written, it is of considerable historical value. At any rate, it shows us a merry scene of early English life. Conscience's tale is of a darker tint, but is valuable for its sketch of the corruptions of its times. The other historical ballads treat of fights and plots abroad and at home — of Agincourt, Buckingham's Fall, the Siege of Cadiz, Durham Field, Northumberland besieged by Douglas, &c. &c., — but none of them are of more than average merit.
Mr. Hales has written all the Introductions, except those to Cales Voyage (for which the Editors are indebted to Mr. John Bruce, the Director of the Camden Society), to Earle Bodwell (which is reprinted from the first edition of Bishop Percy's Reliques), to Boy and Mantle (which is reprinted from Pro- fessor Child's Ballads), and the following by Mr. Furnivall : ComCy Come ; Conscience ; Agincourte Battell ; and LUnus Dis- conius. Mr. Hales has also written the Introductory Essay on The Eevival of Ballad Poetry in the Eighteenth Century.
For the text Mr. Furnivall is, as before, mainly responsible, and has to thank Mr. W. A. Dalziel for his help in reading the copy and proof with the MS. The contractions of the MS. are printed in italics in the text.
To the Eevs. Alexander Dyce, W. W. Skeat, J. Eoberts, and Archdeacon Hale; to Messrs. Chappell, Bruce, T. Wright, Planch^, and Jones, the Editors tender their thanks for help in divers ways.
February 4, 1868.
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. I
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Jiifi^op iPetcK's folio iB^.
-roi. »•
IV
CONTENTS OF THE SECOND VOLUME.
see Append
u,p
CONSCIENCE DURHAM FEILDE
GUY AND PHILLIS (for the beginningy
JOHN A SIDE
BISINQE IN THE NORTHE .
NORTHUMBERLAND BBTRATD BT DOWOLAS
GUYE OF GISBORNE .
HEREFFORD AND NORFOLKE
LADTES FALL .
BUCKINGAM BETRATD BY BANISTER
EARLE BODWELL
BISHOPPE AND BROWNE
CHILDE WATERS
BESSIE OFF BEDNALL
HUGH SPENCER
KINGE ADLER .
BOY AND MANTLE
WHITE ROSE AND RED
BELL MY WIFFE
I LIVE WHERE I LOVE
YOUNGE ANDREW
A JIQGE ....
EGLAMORE
THE EMPEROUR AND THE CHILDE
SITTINGS LATE .
LI6IUS DISCONIUS
CHILDE MAURICE
PHILLIS HOE .
GUY AND COLEBRANDE
JOHN DE REEVE
APPENDIX
TWO AGINCOURT BALLADS
KING ESTMERE (two vsrsions, firom the let and
The Reliqnes)
GUY AND PHILLIS (the first eleven stanzas of)
608)
4Ah
editions
PAGE
. 174 190 201 203 210 217 . 227 . 238 . 24$ . 253 . 260 . 265 . 269 279 . 290 296 . 301 . 312 . 320 . 325 . 327 . 334 . 338 . 390 . 400 404 . 500 . 507 . 509 . 559 . 595 . 595
Of
•. 600
. 608
CORRIGENDA.
p. 9, 1. 9$, /or armour read armor. p. 16» L %n,/or and read &. p. 8S, L 9, for [and] read &. p. S8, 1. 6, /or with read with.
1. 22f/or between read betweene. p. 89, 1. 77 1 for thein read them. p. 41, 1. 9, /or up read vp. p. 46, L 7, /or bells read bell. p. 60, note 8, /or theye redu^ they. p. 66, 1. 164 ; p. 66, 1. 908, 916 ;for and read &. p. 79, note ' : the r has fallen out of the A.-8ax. Oram, p. 77, note, ooL 1, 1. 9 ; for missed. As read missed, as. p. 140, L 109, add witt at the end of the line.
note ^tfor Strowt yn read Strowtyn. p. 159, L 7,/or 1669 read 1659. p. 164, note ^^for terme read tenne. p. 964, L 19, /or Robert read Richard, p. 879, notes, col. 9, for " 1867 " read " Baheee Book, &o. 1868."
N.B. The reading of the vol. with the MS. was stopt at p. 74 by the return of the MS, to its owners.
THE REVIVAL OF BALLAD POETRY IN THE
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
The last century in England was in more respects than one a valley of dry bones. About the middle of it, " they were very many,*' and "they were very dry." Shortly afterwards, "behold, a noise,'* and the bones began to come together. These signs of life were followed by a growing animation. From the four quarters came the wind, and breathed on the quickening mass. From the north it came in its strength ; from the east and the west it blew vigorously ; from the south it rushed with a wild furious sweeping blast that changed the face of the valley. So at last the century revived — its dull lack-lustre eyes brightened — ^its stagnant pulse leapt — it lived.
I do not now propose to attempt a full description of this mighty revival. But I propose confining myself to one par- ticular feature of it — the appreciation of our older literature, and especially of our ballad poetry. The century that had long been fully satisfied with its own productions, at last recognised that the English literature of ages that had preceded it was not wholly barbarous. The century that had given up itself to rules, and reduced the art of poetry to a mechanical trick, at last acknowledged graces beyond the reach of its art. At last it was brought to see that there were more things in heaven and earth than were dreamt of in its philosophy.
It discovered that there were innumerable beauties around it to which it had long been blind. It left its gardens and its
VOL. II. a
VJ TEC SETITiX (V MUIAM
^As&jfjnXfz mazufHilatiaDf of natore to see Xatore heiadt It gar^ r/T«r refining tLe HIj and gildmg the rose to look at the fl<>v<Ti» ixi tLeir ciiDpIe beamr. It beeune conscioiis of the erqinrnVb beaoties and glories of SwrTjapriaiid, of the English lakec, of Walee. New worlds of splendofzr, and of noble enjoy- ment, dawned apr>n it. Not greater didooTmes were made by Columbas and hifi followeiB four oentnries befooe than were tli^n made. The age, with all it£ 8df<omplai«mce, had been living in a priaon* The doors were thrown open, and it came fr^rth to feel and enjoy the fresh breezes and the gracious sunshine. A huger, more dismal, more cramping Bastile than that of Paris fell along with it. The age saw at the same time that, liesides the beauties of nature, there were beauties that the art of former dap had bequeathed it. It began to discern the subtle loveb'ness of old cathedral churches that studded the country. It had long eyed them with much disfevour. It had sadly disBgured them with adornments of its own demising, and according with its own notions. It had deplored them as monstrous relics of a profound barbarism. But at last the scales fell from its eyes, and it saw that these ''tabernacles of the Lord of Hosts'* were "amiable.** It awoke to their supreme, lavish, refined beautifulness. So with respect to other branches of Gothic art, other fruits of the old Romantic times, they came to a better appreciation of them. Poets and f>oems that had for many a day been relegated to n^lect and oblivion, were more frankly and fairly valued. Voices that had long been silenced or ignored began to find a hearing and a heeding audience. As Greek literature was revived in the fifteenth, so was Bomantic in the eighteenth.
A fair criterion of the progress of the century in the re- cognition of the Romantic age is its appreciation of Chaucer. The most important event of the century regarding him is the appearance of Tyrwhitt's edition of him in 1775. Then at last
n m naoTEBnn ckktckt.
vif
ipl WM tmde to viodjcate bU bme from tbe impuUtion Msa i to Aaw that he, uo Ii>ss than tbe eighteentb- pocta, had ■OOI4 aento of melody, some talent fur mc power of Inngiia^. Sp enser was more cnotinoonsly aoc^l«<L The age Hympatbised witb part of Itis genius, and found pleasure in iuii- Bat, aa I bsvn Mttd, I propose now considering oar ballad potrtrj ; and to it I turn. aigtial ereot regarding it is tbe pnblication of &Uf«M0 of Aiurieat EnglUh Poetrif in 1765. X^t un r the oeotury waa prepared, or bad been preparing, for Bona publitattnn, ■rEngtiah ballada, tbongh higbly popular in tlu^ Elizabethan aJnsunienUe aIIun»D« to tb'iin in Sbukespe^re and the atui in tite gi-uend lil<.*raturi? of tbe time, show, collected into any volume, save in Garlttmla, 1723. Tboy «aodcr«d up and down tbe country ■heeptkUu or goatskiiiH to protect tbfm. Tbey e tbe birds of tbe air, ami «uug songn dear to tbo immon people — aiioga wIiom? power wa« itomctimcs tbe lii|{ber clanea, but not m> thoronglily appreciatpd tbem til exrrt thenwelvtat for tbvir jin;«ervntion. «• looked down upon aa tbinga Ibnt wero voiy i^ood in iper place, bat irbiob muMt not \k admitted into higber Tbry wvre admired in a oondevoending manner. Tbey d> beltpr than miald I>c expected. But no one (bou},'bt aa pipular lyrin of gmat intrintcic value. No ouc put band t<i ave Dhmii from pertabJog. Tbe ciutoin nf the walk I'f hoQM» wifli them tbai happily previiilnl A» a»T«Btaeiith cmtury did aumeihiofi for their preaervatJon. tJtey had a better cfaaoee of keeping a place In and meeting aume <[ay appreciative eye*. Um Old nf the «Id eeotury were inadi? uno <>r two
Viil niE BZTTTAL OF KVIT.\0 POETRY
collections of the broad sheets containing them. The black- letter literature of the people was collected rather for its curiousness than its power or beauty, by antiquaries rather than by poets or enjoyers of poetry. \Miatever their motives, let us praise Wood and Harley, Selden ' and Pepys, Rawlinson, Douce, and Bagford, for their services in gathering together and protecting the frail outcasts from destruction. They were as great benefactors of the old ballads as Captain Coram was of foundlings. Be their names glorified I
There can be no doubt that the powerful mind of Drydai justly appreciated the strength of our old literature, although he so far bows before the spirit of his age as to deface it for the reception of that age. Even when he revised and spoiled Chaucer's works, he felt the power of theuL But he resigned his own judgment to that of his contemporaries. This Sam- son in his captivity consented to make merry and carouse with bis captors — to translate the songs he loved into the Philistine dialect. He had a fine appreciation of the old ballads. "I have heard," says a Spectator, "that the late lx>rd Dorset, who had the greatest wit tempered with the greatest candour, and was one of the finest critics as well as the best poets of his age, had a numerous collection of old English ballads, and took a particular pleasure in the reading of them. I can affirm the same of Mr. Dryden, and know several of the most refined writers of our present age who are of the same humour." He is, I think, the first collector of poems who conceded to popular ballads their due place, — ^who admitted them into the society of other poems — poems by the most Eminent Hands, — w^ho perceived their excellence, and welcomed them accordingly. To other collectors of that date it was as disgraceful to a poem as to a man to have no father,
» Tradition says tliat Pepys *• borrowed " a part of his Collection from Seldon, and forgot to return it. — W. C.
IN THE EIGPITEENTH CENTURY. ix
or to be suspected of a common origin. Dryden rose above this prejudice. He showed one or two ballads the same hospi- tality as he extended to the poetasters of Oxford and Cambridge, whose name was Legion at this time. In the Miscellany Poems, edited by him, of which the first volume appeared in 1684, the last in 1708, eight years after his death, are to be found " Little Musgrave and the Lady Bernard," certainly one of the most vigorous ballads in oiu: language ; " Chevy Chase, " with a rhyming Latin translation ; " Johnnie Armstrong," " Gilderoy," " The Miller and the King's Daughters." But the evil that men do lives after them. Dryden, in his *' Knight's Tale " and other works, had set the fashion of imitating and modernising our old poems. That fashion survived him. For more than half a century after his death, with the exception of the insertion of two or three in Playford's * Wit and Mirth, or Pills to purge Melancholy, and of the Collection of Old Ballads above referred to, we have produced in England imitations or adaptations of liallads — no faithful reprint of the genuine thing. The wine that the age had given it to drink was a miserable dilution, or only coloured water. Conspicuous amongst these imitators or adapters were Parnell, Prior, and Tickell. But there were two men in Queen Anne's time who had a genuine relish for old ballads, and who said a good word for them. These were Addison and Rowe. Addison's taste for tbera had been awakened during his travels on the Continent. *'Wlien I travelled," he writes, " I took a particular delight in hearing the songs and fables that are come from father to son, and are most in vogue among the common people of the countries through which I passed ; for it is impossible that anything should be universally tasted and approved by a multitude, though they are only the rabble of a nation, which hath not in it some peculiar aptness
' This CoUection, though generally (1719), in six volumes. Five were called D'Urfey s, was Henry Playford's. printod in 1714 ; the first volume in D'Urfey edited only the last edition 1699.— W. C.
t.\
THK KKTITAL OT ULLAD FORKT
ft
to pleftse and gnti^r the miiid of man.^ He pres, as is well known, two numbeis of the Spectator to a consideration of ChevT Chaser one to that of the « Children in the Wood.** The old song of * Chevy Chase,^ " he writes, ** is the favoorite ballad of the common people of England, and Ben Jonson used to say he had rather hare been the aothor of it than of all his works.** Then he quotes Sir ndlip Sidnej^s fiunous words ; and then add&y " For my own part I am so professed an admirer of this antiquated song that I shall gire my reader a critick upon it, without any further apology for so doing." And he proceeds to investigate the poem according to the critical rules of his time. He compares it with other heroic poems, and illustrates it from Virgil and Horace. He read the old ballad in the light of his age — viewed and reviewed it in a somewhat narrow spirit. But he did read it — he did look at it. In spite of the confining criticism and hypercriticism of the day, he did feel and recognise its power. *' Thus we see,** his ^rani^i concludes, ** how the thoughts of this poem, which naturally arise from the subject, are al¥rays simple, and sometimes exquisitely noble ; that the language is often very sounding, and that the whole is written with a true poetical spirit"' In another paper he calls attention to and expresses the " most exquisite pleasure " he had received from "The Two Children in the Wood," which he had en- countered pasted upon the wall of some house in the country. He describes it as " one of the darling songs of the common people," and as having been " the delight of most Englishmen in some part of their age ; " and then he discusses it after his manner. " The tale of it is a pretty tragical story, and pleases for no other reason but because it is a copy of nature. There is even a despicable simplicity in the verse ; and yet because the sentiments appear genuine and unaffected, they are able to move the mind of the most polite reader with inward meltings of humanity and compassion." But he could not bring his
him. They would not hear, ebumtd be oever to wlaely. Hw " Chevy Cba«e " papers were rMiictU«d asd ftuv&ed by PcaniH uid Wagstaff and kindred •fwils. To thco periuip* he idludcs in the concludiog words «f Up Dotioo of the other IwlUd be revicvs : " As for the little tmfBmttd wita of tbo »ge,'' he writee, " who can only show tbeir fiadtng fiiult, tb«y cannot be Ruppoeed to admire tiou which have nothing to recomtnend them but of nfttan, when tbey do not know how to relisb tffca t>HMC! compotitiona that, with all the beauties of nature, hare b1m> Qui additional adnntogiM of art," He fought a losing Ittlt. What appRctatvon of tbo old things there was at the of ibe mntTiry wiu rapidly decaying. An age of vtiSciality, and stndipd affectation, waa dawning. I bar* mmitiaaBd Rowo aa sharing Addison's appreciation oflfcc old Mlatfa. He takea for one of bis plays a subject that «M lbs tbesM of a widely popular ballad, and in introducing Ui bifedy, d«precatM the adrene prtjudiceB of his audience, aad ((naki boldly in &Tour of tbc eldor literature, and against tfc» vmldMd afiactationa of hie time. The Prologue to bis "Jwaa Bben," finrt acted in 1713, opens thus:
Ti atghl. If jwtowbwm^tyqwgooJolJ tum.
A td* wkMi. told In^ tinea la bamelj wiw, Salh Mw hil*d of mrltitK i^ds ajrn. Ir imfim tJw taplw ikai*
XU THE KKTITAL OF BJOXAD POETST
In wnA an age imBortal Snkcepear vroie. Bt do qaaiiit raks nor ham{»csng critics taagfat. With roQ^ Bujcflde force tber Borvd the heart. And ftrength and natiire m»demmgois for ail. Oar humble aothor doet his neps parsoe ; He ovBS he had thewghtr bard isTiev; And in these secDes has made it mot^ his care To rooae the paaskms than to charm the
But this advocacT, too, of a better taste was doomed to faiL Bowe, as Addison, spoke in Tain. The literary dominion of France was growing more and more supreme. Protests in behalf of our old masters were urged fruitlessly. The charms of our ballad poetry were disr^;arded, were despised.
There were, however, others besides Addison and Rowe who had some slight sense of those charms, as for instance those whom we have named — Pamell, Tickell, Prior. Pameirs ac- quaintance with our older literature is shown in his *^ Fairy Tale in the Ancient English Style.'' It is but a feeble piece, written in a favourite Romance metre — the metre of Chaucer's ** Tale of Sir Topas " — and decorated with occasional bits of bad grammar to give it an antique look. Tickell's friendship with Addison could not but have conduced to some familiarity on his part with the old ballads. He seems to have been inspired by them in no ordinary degree. Apropos of his " Lucy and Colin," Gold- smith remarks : " Through all Tickell's works there is a strain of ballad-thinking, if I may so express it ; and in this professed ballad he seems to have surpassed himself. It is perhaps the best in our language in this way." The writer of it has evidently drunk from the old wells. The story is simple. It is told in a queer style — a sort of sti-ange compromise between the sim- plicity of the old ballad language and the superfine verbiage that was rising into esteem in Tickell's own day. Lucy, the reader may remember, is deserted by her lover for a richer bride. She cannot survive this cruelty. She says, [to quote well-known lines,
IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. xiii
I hear a Toice you cannot hear,
Which says I must not stay. I see a hand you cannot see,
Which beckons me away.
She is buried on the day of her felse lover's marriage. The funeral cort^e encounters the hymeneal. The bridegroom's old passion^ too late^ revives.
Confusion, shame, remorse, despair
At once his bosom swell ; The damps of death bedew his brow ;
He shook, he groaned, he fell.
There is not the true note here, but there is a distant echo of it. In the handsome folio volume of poems published by Matthew Prior in 1718 was printed the "Not-Browne Maide," not for its own sake, but for the sake of a piece called ** Henry and Emma," an extremely loose paraphrase of it, that the reader might see how magic was Mr. Prior's touch, who could transmute so rude an effort into a work so finely polished. However, Prior deserves some credit for having brought the old poem forward at all. His " Henry and Emma " won great applause. What a strange, instructive, significant fact, that when it and its original were placed before them, men should deliberately choose it ! A morbid taste was prevailing with a vengeance. No plea that the language was obscure can be advanced in this case, as for Dryden's and Pope's versions of the Canterbuiv/ Tales. There is no obscurity in these words :
0 Lorde, what is This worldis blisse,
That chaungeth as the mone !
The somers day
In lusty may
Is derked before the none.
1 hear you say Farewel ! Nay, nay, We departe not soo sono ; Why say ye so ? Whedor wyle ye goo ?
THE REVIVAL OF BALLAD POETRY IN THE
EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
Tit btft century in Eoglaod was in more respects than one a t^llrT of dry liones. About the middle of it, ** they were very UM&T," and **tbey were very dry.'* Shortly afterwards, ** behold, a b'i'iMr,^ and the boue« began to come together. These signs of life werr followed by a growing animation. From the four quarters eunr the wind, and breathed on the quickening mass. From tbr north it came in ita strength ; from the east and the west it Hem vigonnisly ; from the south it rushed with a wild furious fwrrping blant that changed the fiice of the valley. So at last thr ci-ntury revived — its dull lack-lustre eyes brightened — its •tAjnaijt pul»4' Irapt—it lived.
I •?•• rj<»t n w i»ro|Hw* to attempt a full description of this •-.jJ.Tv r»viv;il. Hilt I pr«»|>os«.* confining mvKelf to one par- *i \'.XT fr^turr of it - thf appreciation of our <»l(ier literature, k:>l .-•j^.-nally of <iur KMhul jKH'try. The century that had long ?^*. : .!!y <ifi*tlfd with its own ppniuctions, at last recognised ••-*? •.:•• Kn;c^i'h litiralure of ag»»s that had preceded it was L ' n't, '\\\ kifkirouii. The ct-nttiry that had given up itself to r*;.. *, aijd r»"iti<t-,i the art of poetry to a mechanical trick, at .*►• ^ kn-'uNd^'*-*! grar«-j4 beyond the rt*ach of its art. At last .• »^ ^f'»ujht to 94^* that th«Te were more things in heaven 11-1 ••-ir'h than wt'Tr drKirnt of in its philosophy.
!• i.-.»\t-r*Hi that there wen- innumerable lK*auties around it • Muuh It \i»t\ long U-tn blind. It left its gardens and its
> : I a
Xvi THE RETIVAL OF BAXLAD POETBY
having " observed that Readers of the best and most exquisite Discernment frequently complain of our modem Writings as filled with affected Delicacies and studied Refinements^ which they would gladly exchange for that natural strength of thought and simplicity of stile our Forefathers practised," published his " Ever-Green, being a collection of Scots Poems wrote by the Ingenious before 1600," and in the same year "The Tea-Table Miscellany, or a Collection of Scots Sangs, in three volumes." All three collections seem to have enjoyed a fair success. Who was the author of the English one is not known.* It is called " A collection of Old Ballads corrected from the best and most ancient copies extant, with Introductions, Historical, Critical, or Humorous, illustrated with copper plates." The editor adopts an apologetic motto for his book — some of the above-quoted words of Rowe. He writes, too, in an apologetic vein. " There are many," he says, " who perhaps will think it ridiculous enough to enter seriously into a Dissertation upon Ballads." He is evi- dently rather afraid of being thought a frivolous creature by his lofty-minded contemporaries. He is a little uneasy in intro- ducing his protegees to the polished public. But he does his duty by them bravely, only indulging himself now and then in a little superior laugh at their expense. He gives what account he can of the theme of each one, and shows always a thorough interest in his work. But the time was not yet ripe for his labours. The popularity that attended the first appearance of his collection soon ceased. The predominant character of the age was not changed. The old voices could not yet secure a hearing. The age clung to its idols. Its Pharisaic spirit was too strong to be restrained. It could not yet believe that out of the mouth of the common people there was ordained strength. After the middle of the century some promise was shown of
* Dr. Farmer ascribes it to Ambrose PhiUips. See Lowndes, under "Ballads;» — W.C.
IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
XVU
a better era. In Capell's "Prolusions, or Select Pieces of Antient Poetry, compil'd with great care from their several Originals, and offer'd to the Publick as Specimens of the Integrity that should be found in the Editions of Worthy Authors," published in 1760, appeared the "Not-browne Mayde," no longer accompanied by a modernised version. This book gives hints of the reaction that was coming against the old manipulating method. " Fidelity to the best Texts," is its watchword. In the same year (1760) appeared Macpherson's Ossian, and produced an immense sensation. Bishop Percy, with the good wishes and assistance of many then distinguished men — of Shenstone, Garrick, Joseph Warton, Farmer — was supplementing the treasures of his wonderful Folio MS. from other quarters, and preparing the materials of his Reliques of Ancient English Poetry. About the same time (1764) appeared Evans's " Specimens of the Poetry of the Antient Welsh Bards." Mallet's work on "the remains of the Mythology and Poetry of the Celtes, particularly of Scandinavia," had already been published some years.^ About the same time Gray was writing his Welsh and Scandinavian pieces.* At the same time Chatterton was striving to satisfy the new taste that was spreading with forgeries of old poems.^ The first decade, then, of George III.'s reign is most memorable in the history of the
' Mallet (P.-H.) Introduction a This- toirc de Dannemark, ou Ton traite do la religion, des moeurs et usages des an- ciens danois etc. Copenhaqne, \lb>y-b&. Le^ Monument, df la Mythologie et de la Potsie des Cdtes (trad, des Ed da) ourrage qui fait partie de cette intro- duction, ont aussi paru separement avec un titre particulier, en 17«>6. Brunei. Percy's translation was published in 1770.— F.
- In 1767 he [Gray] had intended a fe«*cond tour to Scotland. At Dr. Beattie's desire, a new edition of his poems was puldished by Foulis at
VOL. II.
Glasgow ; and at the same time Dodsley was also printing them in London. In both these editions, the " Long Story " was omitted. Some pieces of "Welch and Norwegian poetry, written in a l)old and original manner, were inserted in its place. Mitford's Life of Gray, Works, i. xlix.-l. — F.
» Published in 1777. He died Aug. 25th, 1770. His first article, purporting to be the transcript of an ancient MS. entitled " A Description of the Fryers' first passage over the Old Bridge," appeared in Farley's Journal, Bristol, Oct. 1768. Peniu/Cycl.—Y.
XVili THE RETIVAL OF BALLAD POETRY
revival of our ballad poetry. Then commenced an appreciation of it which has grown stronger and stronger with the lapse of years. Then it found itself so well supported that it was able to hold up its head in spite of peremptory contemptuous criticism. It feared no more the frowns of the greats Its beauty was no longer to be hid — its light no longer veiled away from men's eyes. " Even from the tomb the voice of nature cried." In the midst of conventionalisms and artificialities, Simplicity and Truth asserted themselves. The age was growing sick and weary of its old darlings ; growing sensible that there was no salvation in them, no infallibility, no supreme delight in their worship :
Natoram expeUas furcA, tamen usque recurret.
Cinderella had sat by the kitchen fire for many a day. For many a day the elder sisters, tricked out in all the modish finery of the time, every attitude studied, every look elaborated every movement affected, had possessed the drawing-room in all their fashionable state. Cinderella down in the kitchen had heard the rustle of their fine silks and satins, and the sound of their polite conversation. She had been perplexed by their polished verbiage, and felt her own awkwardness and rusticity. She had never dared to think herself beautiful. No admiring eyes ever came near her in which she might mirror herself. She had never dared to think her voice sweet. No rapt ears ever drank in fondly its accents. She felt herself a plain- faced, dull-souled, uninteresting person, not worthy to receive any attention from any one of the fine gentlemen who adored her sisters, or to enter their well-mannered society. But her lowliness was to be regarded. The songs she had sung in the kitchen to the servants — her humble, impretentious songs — they were to find greater favour than ever did those of her much-complimented sisters. She too was to be the belle of balls. It was about the year 1760 when the possibility of so
IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. xix
great a change in her condition became first conceivable. She met with many enemies, yrho clamoured that the kitchen was her proper place, and vehemently opposed her admission into any higher room. The Prince was long in finding her out. The sisters put many an obstacle between him and her. They could not understand the failure of their own attractions. They could not appreciate the excellence of hers. But at last the Prince found her, and took her in all her simple sweetness to himsel£ At last, to lay metaphors aside, England ac- knowledged the power and beauty of the ballads that had sufiFered for so long a time such grievous neglect.
At the accession of George III., William Whitehead was in the third year of his adornment of the Poet Laiu-eateship. " The Pleasures of Imagination," " The Schoolmistress," " The Complaint, or Night Thoughts on Life, Death, and Immor- tality"— works which had been given to the world some sixteen or eighteen years before — were at the zenith of their fame. The general character of our literature at this time was wholly didactic. We cannot wonder, then, if the appear- auce of a poetry that was weighted with no overbearing moral, or other purpose, produced a tremendous efi^ect. We may be prepared to understand the prodigious excitement caused by the publication in 1760 of " The Works of Ossian the Son of Fingal, translated from the Gaelic language by James Macpherson.'' With all their magniloquence, they did not sermonise ; they expressed some genuine feeling. Amidst all their affected cries there was a true voice audible. Three years subsequently, Bishop Percy, moved by Ossian's popularity, published a transla- tion from the Icelandic language of five pieces of Runic poetry.
In the following year, 1764, appeared "Some Specimens of the Poetry of the Ancient Welsh Bards translated into English, with Explanatory Notes on the Historical Passages, and a short Account of Men and Places mentioned by the Bards, in order
b2
XX THE REVIVAL OF BALLAD POETRY
to give the Curious some Idea of the Taste and Sentiments of our Ancesters and their Manner of Writing, by the Rev. Mr. Evan Evans, curate of Glanvair Talyhaem in Denbighshire'* — a work with which Gray was familiar. Shortly afterwards appeared Gray's own translations, made from translations, of Norse and Welsh pieces : " The Fatal Sisters," " The Descent of Odin," " The Triumphs of Owen," and " The Death of Hoel." About the time, then, of the appearance of the Reliques in 1765, there was dispersed over the country some slight knowledge of the old Celtic and of Scandinavian poetry. And now the age was ripe for the reception of such a collec- tion of old ballads as had been published some forty years, but had then, after a short-lived circulation, fallen into neglect Thomas Percy, the son of a grocer at Bridgenorth, Shropshire, a graduate of Oxford, vicar of Easton Maudit, Northampton- shire, was by nature something of an antiquarian. When ** very young," he became possessed of a folio MS. of old ballads and romances. " This very curious old MS." he says in a memo- randum made in the old folio itself, " in its present mutilated state, but unbound and sadly torn, I rescued from destruction, and begged at the hands of my worthy friend Humphrey Pitt, Esq. then living at Shiffnal in Shropshire, afterwards of Prior Lee near that town ; who died very lately at Bath ; viz. in Summer 1769. I saw it lying dirty on the floor under a Bureau in y* Parlour : being used by the maids to light the fire." " When I first got possession of this MS." he says in another entry in the same place, " I was very young, and being in no degree an Antiquary, I had not then learnt to reverence it ; which must be my excuse for the scribble which I then spread over some parts of its margin; and in one or two instances, for even taking out the leaves, to save the trouble of transcribing. I have since been more careful." Besides this famous folio, he possessed also a quarto MS. volume of similar pieces, supposed
IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. Xxi
to be the same as one still in the hands of his family, and con- taining only copies of printed poems. The folio has remained in the hands of the Bishop's family in the greatest privacy hitherto ; Jamieson and Sir F. Madden being (I believe) the only editors who have printed from it, though Dibdin was allowed to catalogue part of it. It is now at last, as our readers know, being printed just as it is. These volumes had in Percy a (for that time) highly appreciative possessor. He determined to introduce to the public some specimens of their contents. This proposal was promoted by the sympathy of many then dis- tinguished men: of Shenstone, Bird, Grainger, Steevens, Farmer, and by others of still greater and more enduring note — Garrick and Goldsmith. At last, in 1765 appeared Reliquea of Ancient English Poetry ^ consisting of Old Heroic Ballads^ Songs, and other pieces of our earlier poets (chiefly of the Lyric kind) together' iviih some few of later date. The editor, even as the editor of the collection of 1723, of whom we have spoken, has, manifestly, some misgivings about the character of his protegees. He is not quite sure how they will be received by his polite contemporaries. He speaks of them, in his Dedication of his volumes to the Countess of Northumberland (he was extremely ambitious to connect himself with the great Percies of the North), as "the rude songs of ancient minstrels," "the barbarous productions of unpolished ages," and is troubled for fear lest he should be guilty of some impropriety in hoping that they " can obtain the approbation or the notice of her, who adorns courts by her presence, and diffuses elegance by her example. But this impropriety, it is presumed, will disappear when it is declared that these poems are presented to your Ladyship, not as labours of art but as effusions of nature, shewing the first efforts of ancient genius, and exhibiting the customs and opinions of remote ages." In his Preface he says that "as most of" the con- tents of his folio MS. " are of great simplicity, and seem to have
XXll THE REVIVAL OF BALLAD POETRY
been merely written for the people, the possessor was long in doubt, whether in the present state of improved literature they could be deemed worthy the attention of the public. At length the importunity of his friends prevailed." " In a polished age, like the present, he adds, " I am sensible that many of these reliques of antiquity will require great allowances to be made for them. Yet have they, for the most part, a pleasing simpli- city, and many artless graces, which in the opinion of no mean critics [a foot-note cites Addison, Dryden, Lord Dorset &c., and Selden] have been thought to compensate for the want of higher beauties, and if they do not dazzle the imagination [Did " The School-mistress," " The Sugar-cane," dazzle the imagination?] are frequently found to interest the heart." Still more striking are the following words : ** To atone for the rudeness of the more obsolete poems, each volume concludes with a few modern attempts in the same kind of writing." And then he buttresses his volumes with eminent names — Shenstone, Thomas Warton, Garrick, Johnson (we shall see presently how far Johnson was likely to smile on his undertaking), which " names of so many men of learning and character, the editor hopes will serve as an amulet, to guard him from every imfavourable censure for having bestowed any attention on a parcel of Old Ballads. It was at the request of many of these gentlemen, and of others eminent for their genius and taste, that this little work was undertaken. To prepare it for the press has been the amuse- ment of now and then a vacant hour amid the leisure and retirement of rural life, and hath only served as a relaxation from graver studies. It hath been taken up and thrown aside for many months during an interval of four or five years." With such apologies and antidotes did the Reliques make their debUt 1 How strange — what a wonderful tale of altered taste it tells — that in order to make " Chevy Chase," " Edom o' Gordon," " Little Musgrave and I^dy Barnard," endurable, to reconcile
IN THB EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. Xxiii
the reader to their rudeness^ such charming chaperonea should be assigned them as " Bryan and Pereene, a West Indian ballad by Dr. Grainger," ** Jemmy Dawson, by Mr. Shenstone " ! "Bryan and Pereene," " founded on a real fact," narrates how Pereene, " the pride of Indian dames," went down to the sea-shore to meet her lover, who, after an absence in England of one long long year one month and day, was returning to St. Christopher's and his mistress.
Soon aB his well-known ship she spied
She cast her weeds away, And to the palmy shore she hied
All in her best array.
In sea-green silk, so neatly clad She there impatient stood ;
Bryan, seeing her in the said sea-green silk, impatient also, leapt overboard in the hope of reaching her sooner.
The crew with wonder saw the lad RepeU the foaming flood.
Her hands a handkerchief display'd,
Which he at parting gave ; Well-pleas*d the token he survey'd,
And manlier beat the wave.
Her fair companions one and all
Rejoicing crowd the strand ; For now her lover swam in call,
And almost touch'd the land.
Then through the white surf did she haste,
To clasp her lovely swain ; When ah I a shark bit through his waist,
His heart's blood dy'd the main.
He shriek'd ! his half sprang from the wave,
Streaming with purple gore, And soon it found a living grave.
And ah ! was seen no more.
XXiv THE REVIVAL OF BALLAD POETRY
Now haste, now haste, ye maids, I pray,
Fetch water from the spring; She falls, she swoons, she dies away,
And soon her knell they ring.
And so the doleful ditty ends with an injunction to the "fair," to strew her tomb with fresh flowerets every May morning, to the end that they and their lovers may not come to similar distress." Jemmy Dawson was one of the Manchester rebels who took part in the '45, and was hanged, drawn, and quartered on Kennington Common in 1746.
Their colours and their sash he wore,
And in the fatal dress was found ; And now he must that death endure,
Which gives the brave the keenest wound.
How pale was then his true love's cheek, When Jemmy's sentence reach'd her ear ;
For never yet did Alpine snows. So pale, nor yet so chill appear.
With faltering voice she weeping said,
Oh ! Dawson, monarch of my heart. Think not thy death shall end oujr loves,
For thou and I will never part.
Poor Kitty inflexibly witnesses his execution.
The dismal scene was o'er and past.
The lover's mournful hearse retir'd ; The maid drew back her languid head.
And sighing forth his name expir'd.
Such were the pieces whose elegance was to make atonement to the readers of a century ago, for the barbarousness of the other components of the ReUques.
This barbarousness was further mitigated by an application of a polishing process to the ballads themselves. Percy per- formed the offices of a sort of tireman for them. He dressed and adorned them to go into polite society. To how great an extent he laboured in their service, is now at last manifested by the publication of the Folio. The old ]MS. contained many
IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. XXV
pieces which, it would seem, were considered hopeless. No amount of manipulation could ever make them presentable. It contained many pieces and many fragments — thanks to the anxiety of Mr. Humphrey Pitt's servants to light his fires ! — which the art of the editorial refiner of the eighteenth century deemed capable of adaptation ; and Percy adapted them. The old ballads could reckon on no genuine sympathy. They were, so to speak, the songs of Zion in a strange land.
Percy, as the extracts we have quoted from his Dedication and Preface have shown, was not free from the prejudices of his time. He was but slightly in advance of them ; but he was in advance of them. He did recognise the power and beauty of the old poetry, more deeply, perhaps, than he ever dared confess. And, though unconscious of the greatness of the work he was doing, did for us — for Europe — an unutterable service. He was, to the end, curiously unconscious of it. He had given a deadly blow to a terrible giant, and freed many captives from his thraldom, without knowing. Men are often reminded to be delicately careful in their actions, because they know not what barm they may do. They might sometimes be encouraged by the thought that they know not what good they do. Certainly Percy performed for English literature a far higher service than he ever dreamt of. He always regarded the Rdlqiies as something rather frivolous. "I read 'Edwin and Aiio^elina ' to Mr. Percy some years ago/' writes Goldsmith, in 1767, to the printer of the St, Jaines^ Chronicle, who had assigned Goldsmith's ballad to Percy, "and he (as we both considered these things as trifles at best) told me, with his usual goodbumour, the next time I saw him, that he had taken my plan to form the fragments of Shakespeare into a ballad of his own. He then read me his little cento, if I may so call it, and I highly approved of it." " I am so little interested about tlte amusemenis of my youth,'' writes Percy to his
XXVI TffE REVITAL OF BALLAD POETRf
publisher in 1794, " that, had it not been for the benefit of my nephew, I could contentedly have let the Reliques of Ancient Poetry remain unpublished." The great eflfect the memorable work produced came " not with observation.''
With all the consideration Percy showed for the prevailing taste, he did not succeed in winning over to his support certain great leaders of it. He was extremely solicitous to secure the approval of the leader of the leaders of it — of that supreme potentate. Dr. Johnson. In his Preface he twice mentions him : first, as having urged him to publish a selection from the Folio (" He could refuse nothing," he says, ** to such judges as the author of the Rambler, and the late Mr. Shenstone,") ; and secondly, as having lightened his editorial task with his assist- ance (" To the friendship of Mr. Johnson," he writes, '* he owes many valuable hints for the conduct of his work "). But, for all these complimentary mentions, Johnson seems to have Uked neither the work nor its author, as may be seen in Boswell again and again ; thus : ^^ The conversation having tiurned on modem imitations of ancient ballads, and some one having praised their simplicity, he treated ^hem with that ridicule which he always displayed when that subject was mentioned." The 177th number of the Rambler gives a satirical account of a Club of Antiquaries. Hirsute, we are told, had a passion for black-letter books; Ferratus for coins; Chartophylax for gazettes ; *^ Cantilenus turned all his thoughts upon old ballads, for he considered them as the genuine records of the natural taste. He ofiFered to show me a copy of The Children of the Wood, which he firmly believed to be of the first edition, and by the help of which the text might be freed from several corruptions, if this age of barbarity had any claim to such favours from him." In his Life of Addison, after a sarcastic reference to his Spectators on '* Chevy Chase," and Wagstaflfs ridicule of them, he adds, in modification of Dennis's reduciio
IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. XXvii
bsurdum of Addison's canon — that *^ Chevy Chase " pleases, ought to please, because it is natural — " In Chevy Chase
is not much of either bombast or affectation, but there is and lifeless imbecility. The story cannot possibly be told
manner that shall make less impression on the mind."
what horror the ghost of Sir Philip Sidney must have struck if ever it was aware of this crushing dictum ! Still
suggestive are his observations on another old ballad. 3 greatest of all his amorous essays," he remarks in his of Prior, *'is Henry and Emma — a dull and tedious Tue, which excites neither esteem for the man nor tender- for the woman. The example of Emma, who resolves to 7 an outlawed murderer wherever fear and guilt shall drive deserves no imitation [would Johnson have said that the )coon," or the " Venus de Medici," deserved an imitation ? could his critical rules have been applied to them ?], and experiment by which Henry tries the lady's constancy is as roust end either in infamy to her or in disappointment mself." With these terrible sentences in our ear, let us these stanzas :
Though it })o songe
Of old & yonge,
That I shold be to blame,
Theyrs >.e the charge That Bpeke bo large In hastynge of my name ; For I wyll prove That fayihfidh love. It is devoyd of shame ; In your dystresso, And hevynesse, To part with you the same ; And pure all tho Tliat do not fo True lovers are they none. For in my mynde Of all mankyndc I love but you alone.
XX7111 THE REVIVAL OF BALLAD POETRY
« And, I thinke nat nay
But as ye say, It is no mayden's lore ; But love may make Me for your sake, As I have sayd before, To come on foote To hunt, to shote To gete us mete in store ; For so that I Your companey May have, I ask no more. From which to part, It makyth my hart As colde as ony stone ; For in my mynde Of all mankynde I love but you alone.
Bead these high passionate words, and think of Johnson's criticism. * He misses, evidently, the point of the poem — does not see how one noble idea permeates and vivifies every line, and glorifies the self-abandonment confessed.
Here may ye see
That women be
In love, meke, kynde, and stable ;
Late never man
Reprove them than,
Or call them variable ;
But rather pray
God that we may
To them be comfortable.
His criticism of the " Nut-brown Maid " makes his dislike of the old ballads intelligible enough. We can imderstand now how he came to despise and abuse them, and parody their form in this wise :
* Cf. Mr. Gilpin's (Saurey-Gilpin, an the same woman whom the Rake dis-
artist, 1733-1807i) remark, ap«<f Nichols cards in the first print, by whom he is
and Steevens' Hogarth^ on Uie seventh rescued in the fourth, who is present at
plate of the Rake's Progress : " The his marriage, who follows him into jail,
episode of the fainting woman might and lastly to Bedlam. The thought is
have given way to many circumstances rv^JJ^ei }xnjiiiX\}idX^ and the mor<U certainly
more proper to the occasion. This is culpable"
IN THE EIOHTEENTH CENTURY. Xxix
The teoder infant, meek and mild,
Fell down upon a stone ; The nurse took up the squealing child,
But still the child squeal'd on.
Warburton, Hurd, and others heartily concurred in his opinion. Warburton thought that the old ballads were utterly despicable by the side of the exalted literature of his own and recent times. He called them "specious funguses compared to the oak."
But in the face of this contumely, looked down on and sneered at by the learning and refinement of the age, the old ballads grew dear to the heart of the nation. They stirred emotions that had long lain dormant. They revived fires that had long slumbered. The nation lay in prison like its old Troubadour king; in its durance it heard its minstrel singing beneath the window its old songs, and its heart leapt in its bosom. It recognised the well-known, though long-neglected, strains that it had heard and loved in the days of its youth. The old love revived. The captive could not at once cast oflF its fetters, and go forth. But a yearning for liberty awoke in it ; a wild, growing, passionate longing for liberty, for real, not artificial flowers ; for true feeling, not sentimentalism ; for the fresh life-giving breezes of the open country, not the languid airs of enclosed courts.
As one who long in populous city pent. Where houses thick and sewers annoy the air, Forth issuing on a summer's morn, to breathe Among the pleasant villages and farms Adjoin'd, from each thing met conceives delight, The smell of grain, or tedded grass, or kine. Or dairy, each rural sight, each rural sound,
so did the nation issue forth from its confinement, and conceive truer, more comprehensive joys.
The publication of the Reliques^ then, constitutes an epoch in the history of the great revival of taste, in whose blessings we
XXX THE REVIVAL OF BALLAD POETRY
now participate. After 1765, before the end of the century, numerous collections of old ballads, in Scotland and in England, by Evans, Pinkerton, Hurd, Eitson, were made. The noble reformation, that received so great an impulse in 1765, ad- vanced thenceforward steadily. The taste that was awakened never slumbered again. The recognition of our old life and poetry that the Reliques gave, was at last gloriously confirmed and established by Walter Scott. That great minstrel was profoundly influenced by the ReliqueSy both directly and in- directly, through Burger and others who had drunk deep of its waters.
" Among the valuable acquisitions," says Scott in his Autobi- ography, writing of his studies after his leaving Edinburgh High School, " I made about this time, was an acquaintance with Tasso's * Jerusalem Delivered ' through the flat medium of Mr. Hoole's translation. But above all I then first became acquainted with Bishop Fercy'^a Reliques of Ancient Poetry. As I had been from infancy devoted to legendary lore of this nature, and only reluctantly withdrew my attention from the scarcity of materials and the rudeness of those which I possessed, it may be imagined, but cannot be described, with what delight I saw pieces of the same kind whcih had amused my childhood, and still continued in secret the Delilahs of my imagination, considered as the subject of sober research, grave commentary, and apt illustration by an editor who showed his practical genius was capable of emulating the best qualities of what his pious labour preserved. I re- member well the spot where I read these volumes for the first time. It was beneath a huge plantaine tree, in the ruins of what had been intended for an old-fashioned arbour in the garden I have mentioned. The summer day sped onwards so fast that, notwithstanding the sharp appetite of thirteen, I forgot the hour of dinner, was sought for with anxiety, and was still found entranced in my intellectual banquet. To read and
I!C THK KIOHTKENTH CENTURY. Xxxi
to remember was in this instance the same thing, and hence- f*rth I overwhelmed my schoolfellows and all who would h<*arkeD to me with tragical recitations from the ballads of Ri»bop Percy. Tlie first time too I could scrape a few shillings t'-g^hfr, which were not common occurrences with me, I bought urit.» myself a copy of these beloved volumes; nor do I believe I ever read a book half so frequently or with half the
XXXIU
ON "BONDMAN,"
THE NAME AND THE CLASS,
WITH BBFBBBKCB TO TUB BAULAD OF *' JOHN BB BSBUB.
Bt F. J. FURNIVALL.
Johnson's definition of bondman is " a man slave." To it his latest editor. Dr. Latham, puts neither addition nor qualification ; and the popular notion undoubtedly is, that whenever the word is used, of Early English times or modern, a slave is understood, one whose person, wife, children, and property, are wholly in his owner's power. We have to ask how far this popular notion is true with regard to our Bondmen^ John de Reeue, Hobkin or Hodgkin long, and Hob o' the Lathe, and their class.
I do not find the word bondhnan in English till about 1250 A.D., taking that as the date of the Owl a/ad Nightingaie :
Moni chapmon and moni cniht LaTe[> and halt ' his wif ariht ; And swa del^ moni hondeman, * (Old and Nightingale, 1. 1575, p. 49, ed. Stratmann, 1868.)
The earlier word was bonde, and the earliest the Anglo-Saxon bonday which Thorpe rightly derives and defines as follows in his glossary to the Ancient Laws :
Bonda, boor, paterfamilias. This word was probably introduced by the Danes, and seems occasionally to have been used for ceorl ; its immediate derivation is firom O. N. buandi, con tr [acted to] handiy villicus, colonus qui foco utitur proprio ; part. pres. used substantively of at hud, Goth, gabauan habitare ; modem Danish bonde, peasant, husbandman.
Bosworth on the other hand defines Bonda as
1. One bound, a husband, householder. 2. A proprietor, husband- man, boor : Bande-land land held under restrictions, copyhold.
» MS. Cot. h/ad, VOL. II. c
XXXIV
ON "bondman."
Whether * one bound ' (as if from bondj and-a one who has ; like ivced a garment, wceda one who has a garment,) is the original sense of the word, is more than doubtful ; and till the proof is produced, I reject the meaning as original,^ though no doubt at a later period this sense prevailed over the Scandinavian Mr. Wedgwood says under Husband :
one.
From Old Norse hua (the equivalent of G. baicen, Du. howeUj to till, cultivate, prepare) are hu a household, farm, cattle ; h\umdi, ho7idi\^ N. bo7ide tlie possessor of a farm, husbandman ; husband or
' bondi {d. i, boandi =» buandi, der Sonde, /reier Grundbesitzer^ HausvateTf pi. hctndr mariti. — Mobius.
* Mr. Cockayne says " The word 5on<f bound has no existence but in Somner, whence others have copied it. Bos- worth has built on Bond a guess, Bond a one bound, which is a delusion. For Bound, the true word is bunden^ and for a Bond, bend.** Mr. Earle also rejects the derivation from hond^ and the mean- ing "one bound." Mr. Thorpe savs that Ettmiiller (p. 293) questions the buandi, bondi derivation, but without sufficient prounds, in Mr. Thorpe's opinion. Haldorson accepts it " Bondi m. paterfamilias (quasi boandi, buandi) en Husfader, Husbandc, L. Colonus, ruricola, en Bonde, Stdrbatndr prsedica- tores (Bonds with a large house and extensive ground), Smabcendr villici (Bonds wiux a small house and little yard)." Mr. Skeat notes " Bosworth also gives Buend^ bttgend, bttgigend, as mean- ing an inhabitant, a farmer, from buan, to dwell, cultivate. This comes nearer to the Dan. and Sw. bonde as regards etymology, though it is not so near in form. Cf. A.-Sax. buan, Mosso-Goth. bauaUt gabauan^ to dwell, bauains, a dwelling-place. The G. bauery peasant, is the Du. boer, and our boor. It is curious that the Du. boir^ as well as the Sw. and Dan. bonde ^ signifies ' a pawn at chess.' I do not see how you dis- tinguish between A.-Sax. bonda and A.-Sax. buendy unless you call the former a Danish word. In modem Danish the d is not soimded, and the o has an oo sound, so that bonde is called boon-ne (Lund*s Danish Grammar)."
Professor Bosworth has kindly sent me the following note in support of the
first meaning he assigns to bonda. It unfortunately came too late — in conse- quence of the illness of his aman- uensis— to be worked up or noticed in the t«xt. " Bunda, bonda, an ; m. L A wedded or married man^ a htuband; maritus, sponsus. II. The father or head of a family, a houteholder ; pater- familias, (Bconomus. Then follow nu- merous examples, in proof of these meanings. Tve gone over again all the examples, and I have enlarged what I had previously written, as to the origin of ' Bunda, bonda,' and given the detail in the following pages. — J. B." *' Every word has its history by which its introduction and use are best ascer- tained. Bede tells us [Bk. I, 26, 2,] that Ethelbert king of Kent married a Christian, Bertha, a Prankish princess. The Queen prepared the way for the friendly reception of Augustine and hit missionary followers, by Ethelbert in A.D. 597, who was the first to found a school in Kent, and wrote laws which are said to be "asette on Angostiniis. dsege," established in the time of Aumu* tine, between a.d. 597 and 604. 'The cultivation and writing of Anglo-Saxon [Engliscl began with the conversion of Ethelbert. Marriage, and the house- hold arrangements depending upon it^ were regulated by the law ot, the Church, and indigenous compound words were formed to express that law : — thus & law, divine law ; Cristes & CSIrMi lex, Kihte & legitimum matrimomiiiiim Bd. 4, 5 — sSw wedlock, marriage, itiW' boren lawfully bom, bom in wedloek^ sew-brica 7n. wedlock breaker, m. an aduA" terer, aw-brice /. an adtdtrest, 4s9' fsest-mann marriaye-fast-man a wedded man, a husband ; cew-nian to wed, take
((
ON "BONDMAN.
i>
XXXV
the master of the house. Dan. hoiide peasant, oountryinan, down.
•e the word occurs in the Anglo-Saxon Laws, Thorpe es it ** proprietor," and then " husband," meaning " hus- lio is a proprietor."
Tnbe fri8es-b<5te, swa fam hondan si selost, "3 fam ]>e<5fan si '^thelredes Domas^ vi. xxxii.^
[iceming " jfrithes-bot," as may be best to the jproprietor and stile to the thief. — Ancient Laws, i. 322--3.
sw-nung wedding^ marriage — wedded UHmtan. — H^-bunda, t house binder^ husband, house- rhis expressive compound is ) oldest in the language. It n the interpolated passage of between ▼. 28 and 29. The I in all the Anglo-Saxon MSS. Impels, except the interlineary The A.-Sax. is a literal Ter- 9 Augustinian MS. in theBod- rary, Oxford [Codex, Augvst, 2. 14], from the Old Italic "om which the Latin Vulgate ipels was formed by St. Jerome ). 384. Though we do "Hot
exact dates when the Gospels ilatedfrom Latin into A.-Sax., assures us that Bede finished fospel, St. John, on May 27,
Pref. to Goth, and A.-Sax. p. ix-xii]. As the three pre- >8pels were most likely trans- ire St. John, then the foUow- ice was written before 735, Se
[hus-bunda in MS. Camb. It. te ie arisan and ryman fam r householder bid thee rise and \for the other. 2sotts to Bos- iih. and A.-Sax. Gos. Aft. xx. '6. Hus-bonda is also used
in his version of the Scrip- it 970 [Ex. 3, 22.] Bunda,
wedded or bound, a husband, Ian ; p. band, bundon ; pp. to bind, must have been of gin than the compound hus- t is a well-known rule that in person or agent is denoted by
adding a,* as bytl a hamrmr, bytla a hammerer, an weald rtde, gowminent, anwealda a rulir, governor, — bunden, bund bound, bunda, bonda one bound, a husband. Bunda might be bands, as well as bonda, for a is often used for o, as monn for mann a man. The early use of h^-bunda, -bonda would at once indicate, that it was not likely to be of Norse or Icelandic origin. It could not be derived from the Norse hiia, to dwell, part, b^andi boandi dwelling, nor even from the cognate A.-Sax. b^an to dwell, because the ii and 6 are long in the Norse hii& to dwell, btiandi, bdandi dwelling, and the A.'Sax. hium to dwdl, blende dwelling, buend, buenda a dwdUr, while the u and o are always short in bunda and bonda. So in other compounds from bindan to bind, as bundo-land bond or leased land, land let on binding conditions. Bunda then is a pure Anglo-Saxon word, derived from bindan to bind. Buan to dwell, with the part, biiende dwelling, and the noun buend, es ; m. a dueller, is quite a dis- tinct word. • Buend has its own numer- ous compounds ; as, — Land-biiend a land dweller, a farmer ', agricola. An-buend one dwelling alone, a hervdt ; ceaster-, eg-, eorp-, feor-, fold-, grund-, her-, ig-, land-, neah-, sund-, woruld- and J>e6d- biiend."
* Ethelred, son of Etlgar, succeeded to the throne, on the murder of his brother Edward, in the year 978, and died in 1016. — Thorpe's note in Laws and Insf. of England, vol. i. p. 280.
■ To a BubetantiTC, not a verb or participle.— F,
c2
izz-: v5 - i»:'M5Ll>.
' iL-.:tr i>: :i N:t. I^SS -ha-n ?•> if-iri, for the j>iy>-
■ ...a
LXXIII. Ai'i ^tr ?* :• .i: sat: ^irwrd ^ Tintwrafod, sitte f wif 3 fi cild oii ^-ar. vicar, m: c*sactn. Aid ci^ «t •-■Ti.ii «r he dead were, LefriTj^yi waervr' J*: u^e aridwvria:: fa Trfer^TiTiftr. swa he sylf soeolde feikL Le lif Ljtf ie.
Ai-d where tLe 7. .^^-iTi-i dwelt wiihoTii claim or contest, let the wife ar.d the children dwell in the same, unassailed hr litisation. And if the hn-faand. before be was dead, had been dted, then let the heirs answer, aA himself shonld have done if be bad lived.
So the Laws of King Henry the First (who reigned 1 100-35 A.D.^y repeating the last provision, sav :
§ o £t abi bunda manserit sine calompnia, idnt uxor et poeri in codem, sine qaerela Ac. — Ancient Z>.iir#, i. 526.
In 1048 A.D. the Saxon Chronicle uses bunda for a house- holding cultivator or farmer:
Da he [Enstatins] wses some mila o59e mare heheonan Do&an . l^a dyde he on bis byman . and his ge-feran ealle . and foran to Dofran . fa hi f ider comon . fa woldon hi innian hi fser heom 8j1£udl gelicodo . fa com an bis manna . and wolde widan set anes Imndan}, hum;, his unfianccs . and gewnndode fone husbundon . and se Aim* hnrida ^ ofsloh fone oSeme. Da weard Enstatita nppon his horse . and bis gc-fcoran nppon heora . and ferdon to fan husbundon . and ofslogrm bine binnan bis agenan beorSaB . and wendon him fa up to f H)re bnrge-wcard . and ofslogon ssg^er ge wiCiiman ge wi5utan . ma faiino XX manna. — Saxon Chr(micl€, ed. Earle, p. 177 (a.d. 1048.)
When ho [Eustatbins] was some miles or more beyond Dover, then pnt bo on bis armour, and all bis companions (did likewise), and wont to Dover. Wlion they came thither, then would thejf lodge wliere they pleased. Then came one of bis men, and would dwcill at tho bouso of a cultivator (or honsebolder) against his will, and wounded tho cultivator; and the cultivator slew the other. ThoTi Eustatbius got upon bis horse, and bis companions on theirs, and wont to Uie cultivator, and slew him within bis own hearth ; and
' Imndan, pen, ting, good man ^ 1048. plode the '' moral-etrmology " of a Aicf-
(ihtMarial ImlfX. band being so called because he is the
' Tho ef|uivalonco of the htubunda band or binder- together of the honse^
with tho bunda hen* is enough to ox- even if Dr. Bosworth be right.
ON "BONDMAN," XXXvii
went then up to the guard of the city, and slew both within and without more than 20 men.
In a passage in Hickes the (no doubt) free bunda^ paying a fine^ is contrasted with the thrcell who gets a flogging :
And p£ hwa Sis ne jebeste . )>onne ^ebete he f swa swa hit ^elajod is . bunda mid xzz pen. Srcel mid his hyde . pejp. mid xzx scill. — From Hickes*8 DissertaHo Epistolaris, p. 108.
And if any one does not perform this, then let him make amends for that as is laid-down-by-law : the honde with xzx pence, the thrall with his hide, the thane ¥rith xzx shillings.
Thus fer then the evidence — for I do not admit Bos worth's << one bound " as rights-points to the bonde being a freeman, and if not a landed proprietor, still a free tenant. The evidence of the freedom is strengthened if we may regard the Danish- named bonde as a Saxon-named churl — the name of one seeming to be used for the other, as Mr. Thorpe observes, for the ceorla was a free man, the ** ordinary freeman " of Anglo- Saxon society, though obliged by **the feudal system" which •* may be traced throughout all Anglo-Saxon history, to provide himself with a lord, that he might be amenable to justice when called upon.** ^ Still, this vassalage was no bondage in the later or the modem sense of the term ; the vassal churl was a freeman still, if we may trust Heywood.
In Alfred's time, and later, the ceorl had slaves. Sec 25 of Alfred's Laws (translated) is :
If a man commit a rape upon a ceorVs female slave (mennen), let him make hot (amends) to the ceorl with 5 shillings, and let the v:ite (fine) be 60 shillings. Anc. Laivf^, i. 79.
The A.-S. laws of Eanks enact that,
if a ceorl thrived, so that he had fully five bides of hia own land, church and kitchen, bell-house, and *' bnrh* '-gate-seat, and special duty in the king's hall, then was he thenceforth of thane-right worthy. — Anc, LatcSj i. 191.
Thorpe defines ceorl thus :
Ceorl. O.H.G. charal. A freeman of ignoble rank, a churl, twy- hinde man, villanus, illiberalis.
Ttcyhynde (Man), a man whose ^ wer-gild* was 200 shillings. This was the lowest class of Anglo-Saxon aristocracy. Twelf-hynde
* Hey wood's Distinctiofis in Society, 1818, p. 325.
XXlCViii 05 •'BOSDMAS."
(}fan), a man whose ir^r-^kld was 12»» shillings. This was the. highest class of Anglv Saxon aristocracy.
The slave was a ^rcd or ^eoic. Mr. Thorpe ooDJsiders )?rcel to Ije a Scandinavian word.
Next comes the question, did these bondes or ceorls continue free till the time of the Conquest ? Kemble says not :
* Finally, the nobles-by-birth themselves became absorbed in the ever- widening whirlpool : day by day the freemen, deprived of their old national defences, wringing with difficulty a precarious sab- sifltencc from incessant labour, sullenly yielded to a yoke which they crjuld not shake off, and commended themselves (such was the jihrafie) to the protection of a lord ; till a complete change having thus been operated in the opinions of men, and consequently in every relation of society, a new order of things was consummated, in which the honours and security of service became more anxiously desired than a needy and unsafe freedom ; and the alods being finall V surrendered, to be taken back as lenejicia, under mediate lords, the foundations of the royal, feudal system were securely laid on every side. — Kemble, The Saxotis in EnglanJ^ vol. i. p. 184.
The very curious and instructive dialogue of ^Ifric numbers among the serfs the ijr^Uug or ploughman,^ whose occupation the author nevertheless places at the head of all the crafts, with per- haps a partial exception in favour of the smith's. — Ibid. p. 216.
Mr. C. H. Pearson also says not :
Not only were slaves increasing, but freemen were disappearing. Tlie ceorl is never mentioned in our laws after Edward the elder's time. If he became the villan of a later period, he was already semi-servile before the Norman conquest. If he passed into the freeman,' sometimes holding in his own right, and sometimes under a lord's protection, the class did not number 5 per cent, of the po])ulation at the time when Domesday was compiled, was virtually Cimfiiicd to Norfolk and Suffolk, and had not even a representative in the counties south of the Thames. It is evident that the bulk of the Saxon pcoj)lo was in no proper sense, and at no time free. Even the free in name were virtually bound down to the soil with the ]M)ssesHion of which their rights were connected, and from which their subsistence was derived ; . . . the idea that any man might go where he would, live as ho liked, think or express his thoughts frt^ely, would have been repugnant to the whole tenour of a con- stitution which started from the Old Testament as a model, pre- served or incorj)orated the traditions of Roman law, and regarded the regulation of life as the duty of the legislator.
* Thi» hIiouIU be compared with the » Had ho not always been free? Hucoud cxtnict from llavdok below.
OS **moisanujL
The mention of riUan brings as to the Conqnest ' and to Dome^- daT-Look* On erery page <^the Utter tilUini are mentioned, and tbe articles of enquiry for tbe composition of it show that the efkquiry into tbe population and property of each district ** vas conducted by the kingfs barons, upon the oaths of tbe ■h«^ff of each county, and all tbe barons, and their French-bom TawaU, and ot the hundredary (reere of the hundred), priest, rtevard, and #ix vilUins of every fi//," ic (Heywood, p. 290, n<ite). The question for us is, are we to take as free men or not these TiUans, who were to help in settling what ** served for cen- turies as the basis of all taxation, and the authority by which all di^tputes about landed tenures and customs were decided^^ who vtTe to state **' on oath what amount of land there was in tbe di^rict, whether it was wood, meadow, or pasture, what was its value, what serrices were due from its owners ; and generally the nambers of frte and bond on the estate ^ (Pearaon^ i. 374).
The arguments of Serjeaut Heywood for the identity * of tbe rilUin with the ceorl or iwihyndt man seem to me very strong t&l«^ : and Mr. Pearson tells me that in the earlier use of the M.,vl tiUanuSf the first which he knows, — namely, that in the preamble to tbe Decree of the Bishops and Witan of Kent atjr^it keeping the peace under Athelstan, which speaks of rLiiMi, Ct/mi/es, ei ViUaniy — he thinks that '* villan " means *• cfrf^ri *" very literally.
S-ri«-ant Heywrxxl first shows that the Texius RojTensis^ in f IT. •liirj;^ a pfi.-i>agi» from the Jiulida Civitatls LumltniiaWkv T* it ♦i'j-.t»ii aUjve from the Anglo-Saxon Laws'* "makes it
rank"* of K<>cl«'ty r.m fn'omcn, scx-men, ari<l [•♦ThajiJ* in some qhsch iMinlar?* nn-l r«»ttar»». It must Ix^ r«•mcmlK•^^l that th«' fi'-f'dfiuiin^jt Sin*/nIorum Prr-tonii- ri'//i u«i«« till* word viluinuj* to tnin»«!atp th«' Sa\Mn «j'n*(i\ un«l that tho wi>r«l r*ri,i ihH-f% not ivour in th<* whoh* «i«>*Mi- lilt r.t."
• Ivo jr«*nti>* »t lejri.H honoHhus. I'uit «jM'.n«l;inj in l»irihu!« Anjjlonnu m ^ihn ft I. X |in> honi>nhu<», «'t ihi inint haji* ciitrH |-»j>uli h'in<»r«' tlijjrni, «juihlK't ynt •*tia nii'-n*' . riin)««. ct nJnnuj^, tlianu'* • t ru-'liiMiM (#"/*/ auti i'kh^, th'tfiH iiti't
Kt '•i i*<>h»nviH tanii-n «il. tjui lial • if iri'^-tTJi* «juin«ji»o hyda" i«Tri-. invh-Mun ♦ I culiuiiiu, turrim hu<'mui K}t,Xl hu.-\ it
'. --^ '.v "^x -zi* w. n- m.'iny wonl-* ■v^ — J.' T» ',f J- •>..•■.• ^ri;5.u«-<i in hn**- *j 'T «« -...r'.. «--,rl.*r tin n. j:rn«*HT«», • *:. .Ji:»:»r.»-. A:«" . hut th» j'n»- ;•»• •••*•• .»'•' Si i'T A ^i!l.in hiiH i:«>t •— - fc..-r».i.'.*»i — Pj- lf*«» I. Hut
*- • i r i»^ n • •.• • »• iii'.*t •' nil !• r-
• . - • " • *, r» •*^r\ if I"!! 'liaf mhiU
..•' ■ V r 'y <t{ •?•.» «««iirl r!n** ha«l
, ^» •r,*- j«»:i'.n of ▼illann,
-• »'•• ■'.,•'. nifUt* A m tbr diffirxnt
Xl ON **BOSDMAX."
relate to Tillan and not to ceorls (L. colonic whence we may infer that the author considered them as the same persons ^ {Diswr^ tation, p. 185). He next shows that the eighth law of William the Conqueror, which makes the were of a villan only 100 shillings, was probably wrongly transcribed ; and that the seven- tieth law of Henry I. expressly defines the free twihind as a villan : — '* the were of a twihind, that is, a villan, is five pounds: twyhindiy i, viUani, wera eat IV lih^;^ — and the 76th law classes the twihinds among the free men. Also that
in other parts of the laws, villans are ranked with ceorls and twihinds. Moreover the weres of a cyrlisc man & [that is, or] a villan are ex- pressly mentioned, and reqnired to be regulated in the same manner as that of a twelfhind.* — Hey wood, p. 295.
Another proof may be adduced from their being liable to the pay- ment of reliefs which never were called for from the servile clasis. When, therefore, provision was made in the laws of William the Conqueror for the exaction of a relief from every villan, of his best beast, whether a horse, an ox, or a cow, we must conclude that, at the time of compiling those laws, namely, about four years after the Conquest, a villan was a freeman,
and this notwithstanding the concluding words of the law, et poatea si/nt omnea villani in franco plegio^ which must be taken as confirming an old truth, for the payment of one relief — which villans before the Conquest had paid — could not have turned an unfree man into a free one. Serjeant Hey wood adds :
Another powerful argument in favor of the supposition that villans ranked among freemen, arises from the consideration that, unless this had been the case, the bulk of the population of England must have been found in the servile class. We cannot imagine that the farmers, who held at the pa3rment of rent, either in money or kind, could bo so very numerous as to furnish victuals for the armies which were collected, provide members for all the tythings, and crowd the public assemblies which were held for judicial purposes. But upon the demesne lands of almost every lord, villans might be found, and if they were admitted to bear the name, and partake of the privileges of freemen, and rank with ceorls or twihinds, the difficulty vanishes (p. 300).
atrii pcdem {hurhgmt sell) ac officium habere quinque hidas de suo proprio
distinctum {sunder note) in aula regis, allodii &c. ih. p. 185. ille tunc in postemm sit jure thani ' Eodem modo per omnia d€ cyHiad
(thtgen rihtas) dignus. — Hiyvpood, p. vel villani wera fieri debet secnndiiin
184. Dsxi. Roff. 46 has for cclonus of modum suum, sicut de duodecies cen*
the aboTe, viUanta. *' £t si fnUanus ita teno diximus. — LI. Ben. i. 76 ; WUkins,
crerisset sua probitate, quod pleniter 270, in Heyvjoodf p. 295 n.
mo looks on tho rilluu m ' hood upoo bond
/ aid *B to tbf! nambav nf tbem aad thf frremen nod the
n Mwimiljr «t Domnday, gires Sir Hcoiy Ellis's and
• JtMialocb's mlcalAtiuos u foUuwR :
J prohiblj plan it ^(hc {vipolatioa] Bt rsiher ovrr Umd
0,WO : k nanbrr wbtcli nx^ trrm mutll, liut which mu not
■ im iKe T«i)rn of Cbarkiii II., nz hnndrrd ^can l*t«r. Bts
D tha Mtnl ntmj, wc ftnd nbont two thonMod perKwu
i— lilMil/qfthe king (B 1400, U 1S&9), orwhowero
I to tfaa Idag"* pnoQ (U ^tt), or who btd no bddinj;, bat
"^ - c H tlwjr wouU (U 213). The »ooad daM. Ihn
id, ooonnMd nore tlian JKI.OOO ; nndcr-tenanta or
S7171, H S8»)i bar^wra (S 7968, H I7.1i>fi): soe-mMi
, 11 89^404): memaii, liOHitiff bf mitilar; M.>rvic«, or
-a dwrwlut) into iriianu to obtain fir«t*iction (E 14,284) ;
1'ho Ur^t ctnu nf all wm the
, (>< - Mir, M liri,7(>4), luid bonli»™.'
■ (B-- ikc Dp Iho mow, ahimi ^W.IKM) <• ^hmj yn:. .- .... ..,- .. .. ...I-Iand. that ta tii Mtir. tbcir land
a naiaai tnltuLi: lu iLi uwuiir, kdiI Uuij owhI o-rliuu Horrioca
Vto tba laad ; tber nralJ nut ignit it wiihunt [wrnuHsiou from their ' * Bst Ihey wiBPc ui>t bu-tv prupertv; tlu'v could iiol be sold off '^ ' ' e of a lUSelviiL kiuil, like Uu^ fi-w nlavt^a who still
i who nnmbcted niO(?lilv alwnt 25,000, r of tbii miildle cliiisw, a&d tlic Hniall uombi'r of • in this utiriiiLlr (lull ilir-irve roDoidvmliou. It is !ii!w rufioi^iiiciiit in iwr- iiiL data, all HtatPiiumts 1 clitDtiiclurs anil laws, 'III ihci aiiarcliy aud war :iiiil>'i lis natm- kiii|{« iiiiluou a I) all claam;". i<io-pt tho highest, o nambrr iif t'rwtiiicii pnsitivuly 1 tJM fihangT maj pnilsibif \x awrilNKt to the Kr»iriii|{
■ witb Flaodsrs, as wv flrnl ■bvi.'p mattiplyitiK »» tKu tcnal ■I w\l\\ tlii iiliiiuii fi mil arablr tojABtun'-lnod fewor lul>otirv
B b rwfiilwd- Tm fact that tbo larirr anil privili-ttMl rlaas of
1j nninanNu in twooounlivii, Norfolk and Suffolk,
I iwnilt hskd been pililusalj put down, scwms to
^ rifrbia wm not U)()itlv tamwrod with. In Bcd-
r, Ike aoc-BMRi wm dcgnulpd to irrfii, pmfaalily
■ jif^ing of its Angimnc ilirriff, Raool Tuillobois,
atj »ccowlingl5 fell off io rental fauyond aiiy otlutr in
^it Ina eonqasal dii
L !■ B matter wh> r
pi ik» amooMt was a Rain ■ •rfft^Ma. I
zlii
ON "bondman.
»?
Engl and south of Humber, though it had enjoyed a singolar ex- emption from all the ravages of war.
The concludiDg paragraph of the foregoing extract is printed Lecause in it is, forme, pointed out the true cause of the villan's hardships, of the exactions of which his class bo bitterly com- plained, the character of the Norman baron, and his power over his dependants. The thirtieth law of Henry I. speaks in mode- rated phrase the spirit of the earlier time. It calls the villans with the cocseti and pardingi (probably bondmen inferior to the villans) hvjuamodi viles vel inopes peraonce, declares them disqualified to be reckoned among judges, excludes them from bringing any civil suits in the county or hundred courts, and refers them, for the redress of injuries, to the courts of their own barons (Heywood, p. 291).^
And it is (I believe) precisely because Edward I. made a resolute attempt to break down this power of the barons over their villans,^ which must have often been awfully abused, — and not only tried to, but did to some extent substitute his own judges' court for the barons' one' — thereby rescuing many a villan from a bondman's fate ; it is for this reason that he is the* hero of our ballad of John de Reeve. Not only for the long shanks with which he strode against Wales, or the hammer he wielded against Scotland, was the first king who conceived and fought for the unity of Great Britain dear to the villans of
' Villapi yero, vel cocseti vel pardingi Tel qui sunt hujusmodi viles vet inopes peraonse, non sunt inter logiim judices Dumerandi, tinde nee in hundrodo vel ccmitutu pecuniam suam, toI domino- rum Buorum foribfaciunt, si justitiam sine judicio dimittant, sed summonitis terrarum dominis inforciotur placitum term i no competent i, b! fuerint vel non fuerint antea summoniti cum secuti jus spatimatis. — IJ, Hen. i. c. 30; WUkinSy 248, in Heywood, p. 292.
■ One of the first Acts of his (Edward I.'b) AdminiBtration, after his Arrival from the Holy Land, was to inquire into the State of the Demesnes, and of the Rights and Ilevonues of the Crown, and concerning the Conduct of tlio .Sheriffs and other Officers and Ministers, who bad defrauded the King and grievously oppressed the People (Annals of Waver- ley, 235) Hundred RoUe, i. 10. On the
inquiries of this Commission the first chapter of the Statute of Olouoester, relating to Liberties, Franchises andQao Warranto ^by what warrant the Partict hold or claimed) was founded (f6.).
' See below, and also the Statute of 4 £dw. I. .A Statute concerning Jus- tices being assigned, called Rageman. " It is accorded by our Lord the King, and by his Council, that Justices MUX go throughout the Land to inquire, hear, and determine all the Complaints and Suits for Trespasses committed within these twenty-five years past, before the Feast of Saint Michael, in the fooith year of King Edward ; as well by the King's Bailiffs & Officers as by other Bailifis, & by all other Persons whom- soever. And this is to bo understood as well of outrageous Takings, and all Manner of Trespasses, Quarrels, and Offences done unto the King and otherB,
M
ON ** BONDMAN.
w
xliii
hU own ' and after times. His steps and his blo?^ came nearer tbeir homes, and did something to clear oppressors out of their path, ^lien in easier days thej could sing of olden time, thej gmTe the long king a merry night with three of their kin, and remembered with gratitude England's ^' first thoroughly consti* tutional ** sovereign. This I gather from one of a series of interesting articles on the ** Rights, Disabtlities, and Wages of the Engiifth Peasantry"' in the new Series K>f the Law Magd- zifu and Review, But I am anticipating.
In the time of Edward I. bondage was looked upon as no part of the cnmmon law ; it existed br Bufieranoe and by local usage, and wttA reeoiraised, bat only barely tolerated by the law. The law was oD the side of freedom. A leaper or land-loper, as a fugitive was raJkd, ooold rarely be recover^ in a summary manner ; if he chose to dpny his bondage, the writ of niefty did not ^ve the Sheriff autho- rity to «eixe him ; the question of his condition had to stand over until thr Airtixes, or had to be argued in the Ck)urt of Common Pleas. — U^ M'vj. 1862, Tol. xiii, p. 38-9.
We Deed not attribute a long range of foresight, or very cnlight- enrd riewB of freedom, to the counsellors of Edward I. Their re- fwcanoe to Tillenage wm instinctive rather than deliberate. Yillen- %ffft in their eyes appeared to be a consequence of those powers of l>icml jurisdiction which had been indispensable in former times on umcnt of the weakness of the centnJ power, but were no longer vmnted Anoe the central power had become truly imperial. The i^amt- UndkirdA who claimed a right to keep their dependents in r. ••.LkiT**. n^mAlly cljiime<l some de^n'ee of judicial power; they f\x>.:ii*-^i to liavf a in<>re or less extensive co^izance over crimt's ' -'iniiTt*'*], and c*riiiiiimls arreste<i within their precincts. Such a « ^izi o>uld tni\y rest up<m prescri]>tion ; any such pretension not
• -i*^! :a *)\t Ir»'^«i»-»ti* h^-r.-tofor*' fmnd ' *•-' K u^ •«>mm-»ri'!. Ji«»'»f Tr***pii«i.«*«*H • --.r^. "r-i .:3 -- An-i !h«' Kin;^ willr»th,
• - ; r It* I • I / th<r I*r-<«]»1»- iff Air If ' - « • •^^ i I p^i^' \ •O'i *|Mf«ly rxtH-u-
• -. ..f J .•*■» « That th*' I'onipbiint.-* . ,.m^ ,»^ \^ h« 4r»i U-f'.r*» th» afMrt»-
'A - ' ».• w "•.s-*A. ».'.'»rlinir t<) thr Arti- '.-. . T--?>«1 ar.*'» tlj. ftam*« Jii^tio«*% ; t .-. • • r V ifivlrm!'^"! .14 mtll within ;-fc ■:..«-• ^« w.'no'i!. AI«k) the Kiin; » ♦* :i •.j',kX ti**" •t'^m*' Jii*»itV* di» \\K'.\r t .: .'•-m.T^ !h* <.'««mrlAiut« <»f th'»%r » w . '-•'•siinaiii 'ff M-attrr^t <!on»« Itv »-, . *.» tu:r%r% i 'ih** K in*j'i» St^t u'ih. M ». ' ( wi-iAl f«,or»-m#'th th'» Km;: jv* *>. ym^ *,.* ' .•%?». aisM the Sutute«i of
(flouco»itcr or Qxu) Warranto of G Blw. I.
*• Aii'l thf ShcriffK shall cause it to !•»» romiiionly |»ro»'laiin«l throughout tlirir ll.iilliwirk.**, that iii to »;iy, in C'llios, li"r<»u:^h'», M.'irkt'l towns, and «l>*i»- vrh«T»-, that all th<>M«^ who claim to havo any Fmnchi'^es, by thi- Chart «n* of tho Kini;'» Pn-^hivi^HoP*. KiniTM of Kn;rlan'l. or in oth»'r mann»'r. nhall corno U!"<»r>* th«* Kinji, or b«'for»' tlw JusticfH in Kyp\ at .1 crrtain <l.iy an«l |»l.ic«', to kIiow whiit f»>rt of Kr.m.liiHi' tlu-y claim to hav.'. an-l hy what Warrant."
' 1 (io not for>;.' th«' irrosmM of •' Tho S »nix of th*" IIuj»l'.iti<lm.in " (trmp. Kiw. I.) prinlM in Wri^rht"-* I*J:fur.' is^H'j.1 fur the Cam l«n .S>ci ly.
xliv
05
sapported br immemorial usage wcnld soon be npset by the Kiiig*8 attomer. The general Government struggled bard to extend its jurisdiction, to extinguish the private courts, to bring as manj cases as possible before the Courts at Westminster, and before the JtisiiceB in Eyre. The private courts were not abolished, bat gradtudlj superseded. After all that the lords could do to keep their villeins from Assizes, villeins constantly became jurors, and bond-lands were constantly drawn into the King's Courts, and were thus in the way to be drawn into freeholds. Perhaps every circuit of the judges emancipated a number of bondmen. — Ih. p. 4C*.
In seeking for the light in which the Norman baron would regard his Saxon villans, I think that Mr. Thomas Wright ^ is justified in his adduction of the following instances.
The chronicler Benoit (as well as his rival Wace) extols Duke Eichard II. for the hatred which he bore towards the agricultural or servile class : ** he would suffer none but knights to have employ- ment in his house ; never was a villan or one of rustic blood ad- mitted into his intimacy ; for the villan, forsooth, is always han- kering after the filth in which he was bred." — p. 237,
]>e ]>ridde cumeS efter, & is wurst fikelare, ase ich er seide : vor he preiseS )>ene vuele, A his vuele deden, ase pe l>e sei6 to fe knihte pet robbetJ his poure men, " A, sire ! hwat tu dest wel. Uor euere me schal fene cheorl pilken & peolien : uor he is ase pe wifSi, ])et sprutteS ut pe betere pcet me hine ofte cropped."
The third flatterer oometh after, and is the worse, as I said before, for he praiseth the wicked and his evil deeds ; as he who said to the knight thai robbed his poor vassals^ " Ah, sire ! truly thou doest well. For men ought always to pluck a^id pillage the churl ; for he is like the willow, which sprouteth out the betted that it is often cropped.
— Ancren Biwle (? ab. 1230 a.d.) p. 87, Camden Soc. 1853 (quoted in part by Wright).
and in referring to those most interesting Norman-French satires on the villans that M. Francisque Michel published, and which contain such passages as the following :
Que Diex lor envoit grant meschief, Et mal au cuer, et mal au chief, Mai ka bouche, et pis ^s dens, Et mal deli(»v, et mal dedens . . . Et le mal c'on diet ne-me-touche, Mal en orelle, et mal en bouehe !
(Des XXIII Manihea de VUains, Paris, 1838, p. 12.)
> Papf r on tlie political condition of Middle Ages, in Archeohgia, Tol. tho English Peasantry during the p. 205-44.
05 ^lOKDMAll. x\v
"" Wbj ilioiild rfllans emt beef; or anj dainty food ? ** inquires the writer of Le Detpii au VHaim ; *' thej ooght to eat, for their Sunday diet, nettlea, reeda, fanars, and straw, while pea shells are good cnoagh for their erery-daj food. . . . Thej ought to go forth niS^ed, on bare feet in the meadows to eat grass with the homed oxen. . . . The share of the rillan is foUj, and sottishness and filth ; if all the K^uds and aU the gold of this world were his, the Tillan wonld be bat a rillan stilL**— fFri^Ai, p. 238.>
Tboiigfa Mr. Wright's conclusion as to *' the condition of the E&gitah peasant or villan during the 12th, ISth, and I4th cen- tarica ** may be exaggerated, yet much truth in it there must be :
Tied to the groond on which he was bom in a state of galling Hi^iday^, exposed to daily insult and oppression, he seryed a master who was a stranger to lum both by blood and language. The object of his lord's extortions, frequently plundered with impunity, and bcttfily taxed by the kinff, he reoeiyed in return only an imperfect aod prvcarioas security tor his person or his property. The yillan was rirtoally an outlaw ; he oould not legally inherit or hold " lord- •htp,** and he oould bring no action, and, as it appears, giye no testi- BKny in a court of law. He was not eyen capable of giying educa- tintk U> his children, or of putting them to a trade, unless he had prvTioiuriT been able to obtain or purchase their freedom, which depended on his own pecuniary means, and on the will and caprice of tht lofd of the soiL
All Xorman barons were not brutes of the lyo Taillebois ' trp»-, hut I lofik on it as certain that the ]»itter cry of the villaDs "■'tj.-h P-acht^ us fn)m the pages of the old chroniclers and wht#-r«i in Dot a mere bit of rhetoric, but speaks what the villaiis \tA pi-*r really suffered and felt.
I aU*» I'M.k to the generations immediately succeeding the « ..L'^u»-t for the growth of the legal view of villanage and its ' '*••-- J I If IK* -^ which is 8tate<l by Littleton (ab. 1480 a.d.) and
• ■■ ^ '^s^ ;-roj»Tt} D*w<loi (i*r » Nor- nnd »« ihr Chronicle drclarva, ** h** ?-• • t .La-, itj m.»rTT on. ••«• th** tra**l tmist*-*!. rnishtxl. tortured, Utrv, itnpri- .'•- ' '^i»*'aZ<V.,Ar«.' *.•• I'tllium ( xiii* •i«;ole) «M»n**<l and *'irruriat*<d them." See nl.Ho
i'c- • i%61. Il»*nry of Haiitini^loii'H atvount of
* H» WA# ^•n^ '( t!j»- m^»*t <Turl and Roln-rt de I^*le!irnc, h^irl of Shmpwhin*.
•k'-f.. «-*»-a&irvN wh » f\f'T «lffdc»-d ** He pretVmxl th«» »liiu^hter of his* nip-
*'*:• r«k,— ii }l- a%wl l/> makf th^ liven to their ran»««>ni. lie tore out the
;•• » *^t ■:.• •rrre hjm on 'im a\>-\ kn»-«», cyvn of his own children, when in H}»«»rt
i.'*^-*. -. f*-«^u;lAi bim^l th»»ir l»'iu«M »», th«'y hitl their ffU'vn uutler hif« cloak.
:~ » .-1 v,-ir '-•ft>. ai>l ♦t hm )»ull- He im()«ilf«l j>erH<in« of both sexew on
:o • 'm^Zi' l»e'u. With •IiaUiIk-aI iiUk»*««. To buti'her men in the most
'^^ '1 :.' ru»^\f t ..-Ml m aj^iMf uf work horrible manner waa to him au agn.t>-
-.1 »-.,4^a^ \iiM%r »im^** aal lnw*k< ; — able fttuL" {Famir.)
xlvi ON "bondman.'
Coke, among others, from Bracton, Fleta, &c. and which justi- fied any amount of rapacity and exaction on the part of the feudal superior. There were two classes of villans, 1. regardanty attached to the soil of a manor, and sold with it like a cowshed or an ox, hut seemingly not liable to be removed from it, though Littleton's words allow the removal ; 2. in grosSy landless, and attached to the person of a lord, and saleable or grantable to another lord, like a chattel.
Littleton translated (ed. 1813). § 181. Also there is a villein re- gardant, and a villein in gross. A villein regardant is, as if a man be seised of a manor to which a villein is regardant, and he which is seised of the said manor, or they whose estate be both in the same manor, have been seised of the villein and of his ancestors as villeins and neifs ^ regardant to the same manor, time out of memory of man. And villein in gross is where a man is seised of a manor, whereunto a villein is regardant, and granteth the same villein by his deed to another ; then he is a villein in gross, and not regardant.
§ 172. Tenure in villenage, is most properly when a villein holdeth of his lord, to whom he is a villein, certain lands or tene- ments according to the custom of the manor, or otherwise at the will of bis lord, and to do his lord villein service, as to carry and recarry the dung of his lord out of the city, or out of his lord's manor, unto the land of his lord, and to spread the same upon the land, and such like.
Or as Coke puts it, fol. 120 6.
Ho is called regardant to the mannour, because he had the charge to do all base or villenous services within the same, and to gard and kcepe the same from all filthie or loathsome things that might annoy it : and his service is not certaine, but he must have regard to that which is commanded unto him. And therefore he is called regardant, a quo prcestandum servitiv/m incertum et inde" terminatum^ uhi scire non jpotuit vespere quale seruitium fieri debet mane, viz. uhi quis facer e tenetur quicquid ei prcecepiuni fuerU (Bract. H. 2, fo. 26, Mir. ca. 2, sect. 12) as before hath beene ob- served (vid. sect. 84).
He says also at fol. 121 6.
Things incorporeall which lye in grant, as advowsons, villeins, commons, and the like, many be appendant to things corporeal], as a mannour, house, or lands.
As illustrations of the truth and the working of these l^al
* A woman which is yillein is called a ne\f, { 186.
05 "10501115." xlTii
dfictJiDM, take the following instances oat of many. About itSO A.n.^ sajB Mr. Wright in Arckctol. toL xxx, quoting Madox*s Formulare Anglicanum 318-418,
The abbot and oooTent of Bmeme sold *^ Hugh the shepherd, thrir naif or rillan of Certelle, with all his chitftels and all his prv^emT, f<iT 40. sterling ; '* and the abbot bought of Mmtilda, relict Iff Jijho the phjBictan, for 20#., *'*' Richard, son of WLUiam dc brtende of Linhant, her rillan, with all his diattels and all his pn^lKviiT : *' and for half a mark of silver, a yillan of Philip de Jfaodrrille ^ with all his diattels and all his progeny." - Early in Heniy m. (1216-72 A.D. his reign) Walter de Bean- champ granted hj charter ^* aO the land which Ridiard de Grafton hrid of him, and Richard himself, with aO his offspring." . . In 1317 Rf^ser de Felton gave to Greoffry Fonne certain lands, tene- m^titji he. in the town and territory of Glanton, *' with all his nlLuis in the same town, and with their chattels and offspring."
We may also note the dictum of CoweKs Institutes: '^ Villaines are not to marry without consent of their patrons." — IF. GSs tmnMatioii^ 1651, p. 24.
But the sharpest pinch of the matter lay in the theory— and
f practice often, I do not doubt — that all the villan's goods were his ord^s,* that whatever the lord took from him, he had no remedy a^nst the lord for.
^^rt 1^, fc»l. 123 h. A1j»o, cTcry villein is able and free to sue all r.afcr r.» r «'f a4'ti«»n.«i against everie jHTson, except against his lord, to w L ni Lf i!* vilU ine.
< ►n ifchich Coke !<\y.s :
y> r a villt-iuf ••lull not liave an appcale of n>l)l)C'rie against liis
; r-i. f« r '\ :\X \\v niav lawfully take the pMnls of the vilU-ine as his
• T. » 1- K.iw :?, \yS , 11 Hill. 1. l»:i ; 1 Hen. 4, 0; 21» Hen. ('., tit.
« "» f* 17' An«l ti.i-n* is no ciiversitii* hen-in, whrther he Ih» a
..•.:. .-^ u^-^f^ii'iit Mr iii trroivM*, although S(»me have naid the contniry.
\iA I*H»k at ifchat earlv book yoii will, — Homilies, Politiciil >• r.j^, KoU rt of Hrtuiiie ', Chauetr, (lower, iVc. — if it touches •.•' .^.lj»*<t at all, \ou are sure to tiiul the lords' and their
•*%xy'.' arhitniry • xtortions complained of and reproved.
1%!' r»' quitting this hniiich of the .^^uhjeet it may Ik.* well to 'U It th»- words of the edittir of Domesday, J>ir Henry
»'»
»- *
• * "
itrv^ frm Chaucer, p. ' St-o I ho <iUotfttiun from his Hand-
lyi*g Synne bcluw.
xlviii ON ** BONDMAN."
Ellis. After a longish quotation from Blackstone^s Commentaries ijp<m the villaniy he says {General Introduction to Domesday Book, vol. i. p. 80) :
There are, however, nnmeroos entries in the Domesday Survey wliieh indicate the Villani of that period to have been very different fn)m Bondmen. They appear to have answered to the Saxon Ceorls, while the Servi answered to the Deo was or Esnen. By a do^^rarlation of the Ceorls and an improvement in the state of the KHHcn, the two classes were brought gradually nearer together, till at last the military oppression of the Normans thmsting down all do^(M!H of tenants and servants into one common slavery, or at leaMt in if) strict dependance, one name was adopted for both of them HH a generic term, that of VUleitis regardant
The next questions are^ how long were the words bonde and bondrnan used for the villan class ; and when did their bondage cMiHii ; or at leasts did it continue, and if so, with what amelior- ation did it continue, up to the time when our ballad may be MijppowMl to have been written ?
Ah the names require extracts, the two questions may be trrjat^jd together.
Archdeacon Hale, writing of the land and villans of the Triory of St. Mary's, Worcester, in or about 1240 a.d. says:
Tho rjuaiitity of land in villenage in each manor being fixed, and iho (jtianiiiy of labour due from it fixed also, it foUovrs that the lordM of manors were not arbitrary masters who had nnlimited
{Hiwur over the person and property of these tenants. There is, lowitvfir, Uh} much reason to believe that, taking into account the liiljour of various kinds to which the holder of a small quantity of villiin lurid was liable, ho paid what was equivalent to a high rent. UiH jHrnition as a holder of land, which would descend to his family, wfiH Hiipcrior U) that of the modem labourer ; and yet he might not \ni \H'.Uiir off in a pecuniary point of view. His place in society wiiN marked also by the obligation to give " Thac et Thol, auxilium ill nierchcit, et in obitu melius catallum." (Thac was ** Pig-money, a pfiyiiHint made by the villans to the lord in the autumn for iivisry pig (the sows excepted), of a year old one penny, and under the year a liulfjieiiiiy. I'hol, the Penny paid by the villans for licence U) sell a horse or ox." Hale, p. xx, xli. On Thol, see also p. lii.)
This fixity of rent, and Professor Rogers's pleasant view of things, make one side of the question ; the legal power of the lord over all his villan 's property, and the exactions out of him complained of by preachers, poets, and writers, the other.
In Layamon the word bonde is used once, in the de-
ox ** ■0XD1IA5.'' xlix
*mption of the treacherous slaughter of Vortiger and his OfCufooiuQ* bj Hengest and his :
Fjni^er /atT, 1200-20. LaUr Uxt, hrf. 1300.
Kr vr« uC H^lftmri V^ was a 6oiMf of Saluaburi,
ui obt ftria^dCf inuB«o ; V^t bar oo his hooda
■mar moirhrlD^ ouein clnbbe ane mocfaele dob,
be tar on kia mgge. fur to bi«ke atones.
The «arlfer text Sir F. Madden translates :
TWrr was a bold cKhtX * of Salisboiy oome ; he bore on his back ctroDg clab.
In one of a series of interesting articles on the '^Rights, IHftiUlitit-ft, and Wages of the Ancient English Peasantry/^ in \\^ Lt%r Mtyjazlne and RevieiCn New Series, xi. 259, &a, I find at pw ^3, under the date of 1279 a.d.
At tb« Mime f>la^e [Mollond at Castle Camps, in the south-eastern ri-rsi#-r «*f Cambridgeshire] there were several [27] tenants, [four of «^»«ii art* wfimen«^ liescribed as Ifondi\ bondmen,* One of them [i.e. rarlu rscfpt 12 wlio held in coaples] held 16 acres of land in villeii- a«e^ It diiefl mit appear that he paid anj mail or gable. He re- t3rcr«l a f^nwe and a hen, worth ^., 20 eggs worth ^l., and a «4Qju^«T nf i«its worth 12d. He worked for tlie lord twice a week fr^m Micfaarbnas to Pentecost, and thrice a week from Pentecost to M^-barbnan, and ploaghed nine acres in the year. It is plain that tLi* mail wmt an operative tenant.'
H*i*'^l*A' t/t€ Dune comes next, and in it the bondman is the \m'^<xui uT ploughman:
Tlii'l«r komcn l^jthc stronco ami wii}k»' ;
T)i»«i«r k'»aapn lesk*^* un«l tn'«r»',
Tluit Id ihf U»rw thann** wnvn thore ;
rham|noun*. and Markc Liiltle«,
/A hii*.»fn with h«-iv ir.itMts,
W" hi' c«.rn» II fn» th»* j-'ow ;
IUkT* aa* svnibUng inow :
(til. Mad.l.n, p. 3y, 1. 1(H2-I01R.)
Anotl^r clmin <1 rem ♦■»!•• nu* t-k.
Til Kui;«LiD«i. and nl aith mo Tli-V rurre wiw in I)«'Urmark lyufn.
■ '-r* • •.•r*i :n !hc Uji»k in the pnlliD<rm, A: vjilowt iij d. : xx. ovf? «jw'^
;-'--\ •»-.•* .f «**:•• v.il« ijr iAtJmn |J«l.|. & j i\niirffrii/,n
' •;«'>•'■•. ^r-, ' «»„'*■? ■ •* f ••r»m« n. ar- n/^ «ju«i«l val«t xijtl.. ^: fa<'it a |V«.|»»
.*'.-- fc.'- ^ - ' Zi '•♦»••£» thr Tu |..iuurj' Siin/i Sli«lu/'li.H umj'//* lN'iit/^<*.«/rtyi/. • ti*.
7 . •%u,%:' « . ft.»r». - J litindnd liUU [K-d, 1818), 4J.*»,
* /.*..*. Hu»''Ii^' t« n«t xri. acr«»4t c«j1. 1. Vr^ • 1 . ^'.^^¥ . Ac vIaI j auca/M rt j
% : II d
1 '.'3 -K'SWLiy,
p. p. 90, L 1304-1311.)
Iii t?.r S.'^rJ :/ :i^ Hi^.n^i iri-iTu of the reign of Edward I. I li72-13«.»7 A.i«. in Wri^t.t'5 PjiUkcal Sonffg, Camden Soc p. 15i», i-.'jrfe rtirtseikti ibe •* peasant " clasB.
TbriT^ Vioirsz yi btjlr^ faeh hum heth hiffiL
BkkTcc^ lai fo»e>« ibe deee And tlk^ ksTslit.
^3Cd. AatL 2253, leaf 64.)
In 1297, taking that as Ri'bert of Gloucester's date, he says of William the Conqueror and his * high men : '
Hii to-draweth fe selv l<-*.d< men, as wolde hem hnlde ywys.— ii. 370.
which the latter reading gires as
Ilii tormenteth hare tenaunUfy as hnlde hem they wolde.
Again in one of the Lives of SnintSy said to have been written by Kobert of Gloucester, is this passage :
If a homiemam hadde a aone : to deigie idnire.
He ne scholde, without his loreides lere : not icroaned beo.
(ab. 1300-10 A.n. Lifeo/Belxt, 1. 552.)
Robert of Brunne, in the lifelike sketch which he gives us of the England — or, at least, the Lincolnshire-— of 1303, as he tells the men of his day of their sins^ of course does not forget the bondman and his lord, of course remembers the poor :
Blessyd be alle poore men,
For God almy^ty \oxlo^ >em. •
(Handlyng Syime, p. 180, 1. 5741-2.)
One tale that he tells shows a certain independence on tiie part of a bondman, and I therefore take that first, from the llamllyng Synne^ p. 269-70. In a Norfolk village a knight's house and homestead (manor) were near the churchyard, into which his herdsmen let his cattle, and they defiled the graves. A boyule vian saw that, was woe that the beasti should there go, went to the lord, and said, "Lord, your herda- luoii do wrong to let your beasts defile these graves. Where
J
on ^BonvuAn.^ li
fn^n*s l>on€S lie, beasU should do no nastiness." The Lord's an*w»-r was " somewhat vile,'* " A pretty thing indeed to honour »'ich chiirU^ bones ! ^liat honour need men pay to such churls' livi'l bodies?'' And then the bonde-man said him words full «dl together laid:
Tbe lord tluU mad« of eaUh-e, earls. Of the mne eaith nude he chnrU : Emrlha might, and Iptd^ stst, (ttmt) As efavri^ shall in earth be pot* EarUs, chui^ all at ones ; (ooee) Shall oooe know jronr, from oar, booea.
Whkb reproof the lord took in good part (few would have d<4ie w>, says Robert of Brunne ^), and promised that his beasts ^L'Hilil no more break into the churchyard.
I$ut still there is evidence enough in the Handlyng Synne iliMX if m lord wanted a bondman's wife or daughter, he would brjc only carry her off, but brag of it afterwards (p. 231, 1. 7420-7) ; and as to the treatment of the poor by their superiors, ki/Lert of Brunne asks — he is not here translating Wadington —
Lord, how shul >eae robbers fkre,
pat ^e pore pepjl peljn fal bare,—
Ertts, iDDjgiea, ana barooos
Asd aQ>«r lordjngis of tomiiies,
JostTsrs, shrjrnes and bayljmjs,
^at Ke lawte alls to-iyiies.
And >e pore men alle to-pyle f
To ryche men do ^y but as jiy wylle. —
(p. 212, 1. 6790-7.)
\h' [:*:»€•* on denouncing them who " pyle and bete many pore ^.- u," and c«»iitrahtjj their conduct with that of Dives to I^izarus, »t*'fu Ihvt« did not rub of gold or fee,
He (!vJc but \vtc Ml bguode h\'m to : Yr nchc men, weyl wem je do I Ye wyl u*inn buuutliti to hem lc't<», But, \c M'lf, hem d^ and bete. Hf ne dyde but we rtu'dtf hym of hys mctc ; Ad«! K" r«»bl<; si h*t ;e mow j?tte. Ye siv an lh-ut*« ^at wyl nai^hte ?gn«*; \tA wtn: for }t robU- Mt >»ey [the poor] nhuldo by lyne.
{/landtymj Symmr, p. 213, L 6812-19.)
lo a previous passage the lords' arbitrary exactions from
Ht tf*- * »! (r^r^ I'/nirn now I>^nlyn|irpii.- ►yr niv ynow of 1«» ;
K: tir*^ % wrie •o wi-l t«» | row ; Of K«i>t}l nien. >»yr ar« but fo
li** wi*'. *rit^ b-ni an) i»k>ll#-, U»^^J-
llii»;«> *^u f-za'y Ky w)llr.
a 2
lu
ON "BONDMAN."
-are ex-
men in bondage^or vileynage as Wadington has it- pressly mentioned :
And ^yf a lorde of a toonne
Robbe his men oute of resounei
>oghe hyt be yn bondage^
AjeDS ryjt he do|>e outrage.
He shaf so take ^at he [the bondman] may lyue.
And as lawe of londe wyl for^yue ;
For ^yf he take ouer mesure,
Lytvl tym6 shal hyt dure.
Ixjghe God haue ^eue ^e seynorye,
He ^af hym no leue to do robborye ;
For god ha|> ordeyned al mennys state,
How to lyue, and yn what gate ;
And )>o^t he ^yue one ouer ol>er myjt,
He wyl |>at he do hym but ry^t.
|>y8 ys |>e ryjt of Goddys lokyng :
^elde eucry man hys owne ^yng.
But God take)> euermore veniaunce
Of lordys, for swych myschaunce,
For swych robbery )>at )>ey make,
)»at ofte of >e pouro men take.
He then tells a tale of what a Knight suffered in Purgatoiy (or hell) fire, for robbing a poor man of a cloth, and windi up with the moral :
Certys >efte iy;t wykkede ys . . . Namly * pore men for to pele Or robbe or bete wy)>-oute skyle.*
The next reference to the word in Stratmann's Dictionary fa to William and the Werwolf ^ (better, William of PcUerne: E. E. Text Soc. 1868, Extra Series,) of ab. 1340 a.d. L 216.
do quickliche crie )»urth eche cuntre of yi king-riche |>at barouns burgeys & bonde ' & alle o^ bumes |>at muwe wi^tly in any wise walken a-boute |>at )>ci wende wi^tly as wide as H reaume.
(William and Werwoff, p. 77, od. Madden.)
In William of Malvern's ^ Vision of Piers Ploughman, about 1362 A.D. we have:
' especially.
* reason.
' Bonde, «. S. Bondsmen, villains ; as opposed to the orders of barons and burgesses, 77. — Glossary to the above. But the bonde are still one of the three principal orders of men, as shown by the " other bumes " who are not worth specifying. — Skeat.
* Mr. Hales's name for the sothor of the Visiont who is sometiiiies oalkd Langland. As there is no real eridBBCt for the name Langland, I prefbr tbi vaguer title William of Malyfm, thoogfl Malvern is only mentioned in the tal of the poems of which the Vinom u composed.
i
OS "Bcnmux.
m
amd Bssm* and Bimdr f abo
In Vi ii,^t*f edition crf^ the VUion^ I 88, 1. 2859 is—
Awd — • Umdt ■■■ of hii baeoa iai btrf#
Attd part of the knigfat^s doty L
▲ad mubeod* >o« not H homiemm - ^ beCcr Km aeUt sped*.
(Fuw TiL L 44, Vcnoa Text, cd. Skcat, p. 7«.)
Id the third text of the Vision we read —
mm and bartaidw 'and bcnari diildmi, byiuagtih to laboar * aad tadca duldreo iliolde MfTea, Bi4ii# duA Md good sea * as hen digi«e aakech
Aad •ith. hmJtmrmme bamea * has be made lii«hopea, Aad baroM ba«tafdca * haa bm aidudekeoca ; Aad aoprn aad bera tooca * §or telTer baa be kargbtea, Aad lordpae aooea hera laborerea. — (ab. ISSO. Vmon of Pifn PUm'mam,
Wbitaker a tcoEt. Faasna Sextos.)
Mr. Skeat atyi that the TariooB readings in the MSS. of the Visitm thorn that bondage or bondages was used for bonde^ 1^ aod that bonds is thus connected with the verb to bind. i bondemsn and bonde/olk^ as the equivalents of f^erU aiMl ikralUs in his Persones Tale, de Avariiia (p. 282 ed. Wright, quoted below, pw 554-5), while in The Frere's Tale the nac 10 of one bound :
IHnprwith Tom* b«te« to withstonde
The frod, that wolde make yow thral and bonded
Tl.^ Tt-ar 1394, or therealwuts, gives u« that wonderful f*t^ if of a bf^nileinan or ploughman whom its paiuter sairj
, .•« •
Aari f fbrrrirrT. xher a* the Inwi* f I'rafnon-l f^to*\*-* of fm,iui^/fJk '.-•1 ',20^ ^-^U* *d hrf lorl»-« ; ye. tliat m V. oaltfirfoiyl^ the kuoi1«-« of the a-»*i«r r/i i*-{rt»t\f heminht-rr nght**, '.»%• »/ .•' r»/Ar Am w^ tr, rtvf ktm.
' Is rv (^cfTT 'jo thr I>nith of Kin(( r^v^rl III the ^hrsM " bidt* hf-r :#«»U * • ^i'iM#<l " muain as thfir
T:. • f»r«i« arhip. I may n^mc^Do
m
T- 'r-* Ojilmlnr^ of thi* loDdo,
•a« • nw' ?hr» '^#un*r«l n'rtirt s ^-^ n»».
IW> aj FfraXiCr Ich uu«lrrHtoud«'
Thei tok & slou) hem with ht'^jro hon<ie Tlie {lowrr of Ffranco l^.th nmi\\ snd KT^te, And bnm^t th«T Kyng hidertobide hff hitmie. And nuu ri)t vone hit [the shii*] ij» fonet**- Mvrr'i* uj»o of ht>mfr is this: Fyr^t ^w ni'ietc f^yn niynno, W'hAt he \n hit doth ►«♦ synnc, Whi Kt hyt Ik* hoo '»r ho, I'on^^ or old**, Utmit, or fiv, Pon* or n'(*h«s or in offys.
(Ah. 1 1'MK Myrr, In]*frut'twnjt/.'r r,truk l*ru*U, I*. 47.)
i
liv ON "BONDMAN."
and wliicli ivill not be out of the mind of anyone who has studied it :
And AB y wcnte be J»c waie • wepynge for sorove, I] Beij a 8v\y man me by * opon |>e plow hon^*n. liH cote waft of a oloute * )»at cary was y-callcd,
IliH liod was full of holes * & his heer oute,
'\Vi|> his knopped sohon * clouted full ^ykke ;
IIiH ton toteden out * as he )>c londo trcddeile,
His hoscn oucrhonpien his hokschynes * on eueriche a side,
Al l>esIombred in fen * as he ^ plow folwede ;
Twey mytcynes, as mete * maad all of doutes ;
po fynffors woren for-wcrd ■ & ful of fou honged.
pis whit wascluilu in K [fen] * almost to |« ancle,
Fourc r<jK*rf n hym by-fom • [>at feble were [wor|j«n] ;
3Ien mv;tc reken iirh a r\'b * so reufiill J^er weren.-
ilis wijf walked him wi)» * wi)» a longe gode,
In a cuttiid coto • cutted full heyje,
Wrapped in a wynwo schete • to weren hire fro weden,'
Jiarfote on >e bare ijs ' hat >e blod folwede.
And at he lon<lc8 ende layo * a litell crom-1x)lle,
And hrnm lay a litell childe * lapped in clouti«,
And twcync of tweie 3ereB olde ' opon a-no h^r sydo.
And alle K'y songen o songe * hat sorwe was to heren ;
pcy crieden alio o cry * a carefull note.
{lierce the n<^ughman*9 Crede, 1. 420-441, ed. Skeat^ 1867.)
Those last two lines sum up for me the English hittory of the English poor (as has been said elsewhere)^ it was *' full of care."
Frater Galfridus^ about 1440, has in the Promptorium
Bonde, as a man or woman, Servus, serva,
Bondman . SerivHf nafivun [neif.]
Bondschopo . Nativi/as : but Bondage . ServitMB,
That the lord's power over his bondmen was a reality, and that he " frequently took advantage of his power to tyrannize, is proved by the example of Sir Simon Burley, the tutor of Kichard II., who seized forcibly an industrious artizan at Gravesend, on the plea of his being his escaped bondsman, and, when his exorbitant demand was refused, threw him into the prison of Rochester Castle." — (Wright in ArchcDoL xxx. 235.) And that the Lord's power over his bondman existed into the 16th century is shown by the following extracts.'
> It is a wyues occupation, to trunotpe hay, come, and snche other. ? 152S.
all Juanntr of comes, to make tniStvi, to — Fitzherbcrt's Husbandry, ed. 1767i
washe and wr^'nge, to make hoye, shore p. 92.
come, and in time of nedo to helpc her * Mr. Wright sa^'s, " We can tnce
husbandc to fyll the muckc-waync or these charters of manumission [of Til*
doungo-carte, drtfw the jtloiiyhr, to loode laiis J down to a yery lul« period. In t
ON •* BONDMAN." Iv
In 1519 among tbe Duke of Buckingham's payments in Prof. Brewer^! CaUnSxry iii.^ Pt L p. 498, ii
2^ March, to Walter Pkrker, 40£, " restored to him for a fine by him made to me, for that he was my bondman^ and made free during Li« Hie, for that I gave him a patent."
In 1521 on
** Tbe Ihike*s Lands . . at Caors (in Wales) are ^ Many bondmen UiCh rich and poor. — i^. p. 509.
In 1523 (?), FiUberbert says :
Costomarj ienanntes/ are those that holde their landes of their kinle by oopje of conrte role/ after the cnstome of the manere. And iiwertf may be many tenaantes with-in the same manere y^ have no c**Yjem and yet holde be lyke cnstome and semyce at the wyll of the k»rde. mnd in myne opinyon/ it began soone after the conquest/ whan Wyllyam Omqaeronr had conquered this realme/ ho rewarded all %lmmt that came with hrm in his voyage royall accordyng to their dcfrrv. And to honourable men he gane/ lordshippes/ maners/ laiides/ aad tenementes/ with all the inhab3rtaniites/ men and women dwell- mir in the same/ to do with them at their pleasure. And those Wooonrable men thought y* they must nedes naue seruauntes and tenaaittes/ and their umdes occupyed with tyllage. Wherfore they |«snlaciad the inhabytauntes of their lyues/ and caused them to do all maaer of semyoe that was to be done/ were it neuer so vyle / and cmuAed them to occupye their landes and tenementes in tyllage and !• kc ii{ them suehe retitos/ custonies/ and seniyceH/ as it pleased t^ .M iM> liaue. And also toke all their pMnloH <& catoll at all tyines ifct ihrir pUti^turc* and calle<l tliem their h*mth vum. and sytlie that \\ rr.e nuktix iK>ble men bothe 8pir>'tuall and temporall, of their godly ci;«{««*\rt4in liAue muile t4> dvuers of the savd lumde mm uiaini- iniM«i<'ii*t, ati«i irrauntcHl them frtnlome and lybertie. and set to them \}m.'\T Un<l«-«and tcnenwtiti'M t<MH*oupv/ after d^iiers maners of rentes ' m.«t«>m«-» and xTuyci"*, the whiehi* is vsed in dyuers places vnto tliis d»\r. l*t>w U- it in w»me pliirt.*fi the lunule turn (*«)ntyniie as yet/ thi» m\ u'\h' n\v ik'UU'th if) the jrrettest ineonuenye/it that nowe is sufln'd In tlw \mwv. That h*, to haiie anv ehristen man IxuHleii to anotluT w. i t.» liAue iIk' mil* nf hin IxkIv himh's ami pxHles/ that his wiff r" t jtirt* n and >*nTUttunte» have lalxmre*! for all their lyfe tynie ' to In* ►^ lA^n lyke us and it were exlorcion or brilx-ry. And many tymi s
J. - II ;'i«t l^ffifv the p<*a*%ntn* iii«ur- wr havi- n cliart«r of Rffran»'hi^•^n^. r>t
.■•-- . « J Ko Wtmnl or ' AUi^uh ' \y lh»' |»rior> of IWauviilli' in ♦» lit n. V.
» i- ,if: •• ft ^'mal* 1 .'!.tfi. ami i^MVr* h<T, A.i» I I !'.>, an<l anothi-r hy (moiv N< vl.-.
• • . i^f ^- f*t . I.' r „-•-!•• M>'1 <"fn*tt.i«. lonl lU n:« Viuiiy. ti» lat*- ivH 'J livti. Vlll.,
«^« t;,' i.\mt^} "# *il li<tr ufl'«>)>nii^ ; au«l At' lol 1."
Ivi ON "bondman."
by colour therof/ tlicro bo many fro men taken as hojide mcn/iuid their landes and goodes taken fro them/ so that they shall not be able to sue for remedy to prove them selfe fre of blode. And that is moost commonly where the fre men have the same name as the ho7ide wen haue/ or that his aunc^sters of whome he is comen/ was manumised before his byrthe. In suche cause there can nat be to great a punysshement. for as me semeth there shulde no man be bonde but to god/ and to his king and prince ouer hym. Quia deus non facit exceptionem personarum. For god maketh no excepcyon of any person. — ^Fitzherbert's Boke of Surveyeng Sf Improurtieide$ Cap. xiii. fol. xxvi.
I do not carry these extracts further, because those that have been given — and they might be ten-folded with ease — suflS- cientl}' prove the reality of the hardships which the bondmen suffered, and that certain of these hardships were in being as late as Fitzherbert's time, about 1520. Vague talk that the doctrine of the law-books was never carried out in practice, that monkish writers exaggerated a molehill into a mountain &c., will not do in the face of the evidence that literature supplies. " Master Fitzherbarde " was not a sentimentalist, but a practical horsebreeder, farmer and surveyor,* and spoke of the bondmen's evils as he would speak of his broodmares' ailments. There is no need for us then to imagine — as Professor Rogers does, in his very valuable and interesting Histoiy of Prices^ i. 81 — a cause, of which no trace has come down to us, for Wat Tyler's rebellion. Cause enough, and to spare, there was in the condition of the men, if only that shown in their demand " that we, our wives and children, shall be free." Granted that the students of literature and charters alone get from them too dark a view of the state of the early poor, — as Mr. Wright may have done — yet we must declare that the student of prices on college lands alone gets a too rose-coloured view, and that the wrongs of the bondmen were real and deep ; even Chaucer and Froissart witness it.
On this bonde and hondeman question I conclude then, though with much diffidence, and acknowledging the insufficiency of the evidence for some points : 1, that the bonde was originally free, that he was the Saxon ceorl or twihind, with a Danish name ; 2, that if not partially before, yet wholly after, the Conquest, his class, or the greater part of it, became bondmen or villans, bond on bond-land ; 3, that gradually they threw off their ser-
> It must bo a mistake to identify him with Sir Anthony Fitzherbert.
OR "BONDMAN***
Ivii
Tice and signs of bondage, taking the first decided step in adrmnoe in Edward I/s time, the second and more decided one in Edward III. and Richard II.'s time ; 4, that in 1520 the Uirden of bondage was still heavy. (It gradually disappeared,^ except so far as our present copyhold fines and heriots repre- Mfot it. Slavery was abolished by a statute of Charles II. Tbr attempt to abolish it in 1526 proved a vain one. Wright.) But our bondman was John the ReevSj though no special duties of bis as Reeve are alluded to in the Ballad. On those duties in Anglo-Saxon times the reader may consult the rrferencen in Thorpe*s Index to the Ancient Laws, voL i., and ^en'tion 12 of the InstUutfs of Polity , in voL ii. p. 320-1. Tlie oflBce of Reeve was one that every villan was bound to •4-rTe^ and although the Law Magazine says it was one which tlie villan rather declined and avoided,' it must have been ••ne which, in later times at least, helped to fill its holder's p*jckeCa. The Reeve's duty was to manage his lord's demesne, V» Miperintend the service-tenant's work on it, to collect the I'-nfA due« and rent in money and kind, and submit his accounts trarlj to the auditor. As the Sloane MS. Boke of Curtesye %A}% of the greve or reve —
Gfwiyi, ftnd bajljrs and parker, Hrhooe come to aooantes tmtrj yere WjioT^ h> aoditoar of ^ lorde ododo, pat trhaldr be tronr as any stODe, Vf h«* «1«»M» horn no ry^x I»l<', To tt littivin of cb«'kk«r Ny mun hit pelc.
{liaUes Book, p. 318, 1. 589-94.)
And an William of Malvern savs —
4
Ty** stm^ *^fm^ to h.ivo l.i«t«'«i
..■- r n ^N .f**:!!! tluin in Knft:l»»"«i ;
J fcR* •«*:."• IhrritjijAry, 4t<», IHJ'),
- n,- :;• i» ■%:•*'.». Il»nnair«-, *. T^j^ d'-^^ic- i iT T« n to th»- •»»'rii»*»'«. «!u»' \>y a
• ' • 'tf fMriii'T. ^ r*4-l in , Anini«».*'
— . *• :»*..»•«•■ Am. I th««M' mi-r* tx- • -» .•» •-•«!' I rii»'. in pl'i'i^'huij; .\r- * ;-j • •-«• |'r».{n»f»«r • l.»in!. - .,..•.-• n •!*» i'.»m.i/ii of hi^
• • • " *.',' 1 .Ifi'! .M \\ \T\* -t . ill . • •, ♦,.• rn.t." Ai/rt-iilfinii
whioh nffivt*-*! lh«* villein*» pomon an^ coll.rttil in one of F>lwiinl 11. 'h Voar-
T]j«« late abri^lccment of Jiimiffwin \r^\v'^ " lii'fulay Wark'i*, the time a t«*n;int or Viu»Hjil jo bound to work for thf j-nji'mtor."
' The chief incidents of ba»o t^'nure
pemon ar 11. 'h Vcmi
Uxikn. (5 VA. 11.) They were, -1. Tile bl<H.».l fine, or nmrria^t' ntnnom ; *2. the t.iilb- <ir talKiire. a variable eliaiv*'. »np- i'Iant«"«l bv r iruhir taxation, unUsf* it en- diir»*<l un«ler the nam*- «»f ch» vap* ; ,'J. th** oKIt^Mitioti of un<li>rt.ikiiiif thi* otlic*' of ri-^'ve or liiibflF. an invidiou* Hiijnify uhii'h \\\'' vilbiii ntber d«'« liiieil .iii<l a\oi.b-!. — /^/T Mtu). tV AVr. xiii. II.
Iviii ON "BONDMAN."
I make Pien the Plowman my procmatour and mj rere. And regictrar to receyve.'
Hedde quod debes (v. ii. p. 411, ed. Wright).
And again —
Thanne longh ther a lord, and " bj this light ** seide, " I holde it right and reson, of my reye to take AI that myn auditour, or ellis my steward Coanseiloth me bi hir acounte and my clerkee writyng. With spiritus intelUctus thei seke the reves rolles ; And with spiritus fortitudinis fecche it I wole after."
(Fmoii,ii. 423.)
Need one quote Chaucer's sketch of the Eeeve —
Wei cowde he kepe a gemer and a bynne ; Ther was non auditour cowde on him wynne. Wei wiste he by the drought, and by the rejm, The yoeldyng of his seed, and of his greyn. His fordes scheep, his neet, [and] his dayerie, His swyn, his hors, his stoor, and his pnltrie. Was holly in this reeves govemynge, And by his covenaunt yaf the rekenynge, Ryn that his lord was twenti yeer of age ; Ther couthe noman bringe him in arrerage. Ther nas baillif, ne herde, ne other h^e. That they ne knewe his sleight and his oovyne ; They were adrad of him, as of the deth. His wonyng was ful fair upon an heth ; With grene trees i-schadewed was his place. He cowde bettre than his lord purchace. Ful riche he was i-stored priTely, His lord wel couthe he plese subtiUy, To ffeve and lenc htm of his owne good. And have a thank, a cote, and eek an hood. In youthe he lemed hadde a good mester ; He was a wel good wright, a carpenter. This reeve sat upon a well good stot. That was a pomely gray, and highte Scot. A long surcote of pers uppon he hadde, And by his side he bar a rusty bladde.
Our Reeve too has **a rusty bladde," rides a good horse, has a fair dwelling, and is "ful riche istored prively,"but Hodgkin Long and Hob of the Lathe are " not adrad of him as of the deih.^ As he was the King's reeve and should have collected taxes ' as well as dues and rents,' he ought to have been a good scribe and summer-up, but the ballad does not read as if he was* His
1 See the extract at the end of this ' Toulmin Smith's PanaK p> 606»
paper, line 12 from foot. refers to a rentcharge paid to the King's
* If Mr. Toulmin Smith be right in reeye. his view, p. 557 note bolow.
on ^bosdulbJ* lix
eneiiiy it not tbe auditor, of whom we hear nothing, but the courtier or porrejor who coold report his wealth to the King, and gel leave, or take it, to put the screw on him. He sells his wheat (L 144) to get it out of sight (?); — money oould be more easily hidden ; — and he has a thousand pounds and some deal more.
The suf^>er of his pretended poverty — bean-bread, rusty bacon, broth, lean salt beef, and sour ale, may well have been buodman*s food in Edward I/s time, better than many got in Kdward IIL's, as William of Malvern shows ( VisioUj Passus VII. L 267-^2, ed. Skeat, p. 88-9, text A) ; but oould the supper of his actual wealth, boar's head and capons, woodcocks, venison, swans, conies, curlews, crane, heron, pigeons, partridges, and sweets of many kinds, have been ever Keeve's food then ? I trow not. r[iaiioer*s Frankeleyn couldn't have given a better spread in iCicliard II.'s time, and John Riisseirs Franklen in Henry VI.'s ihy§ ( ab. 1450-60 A*D., say,) hardly exceeded it :
A Feoffor a FrtmUin.
44 A Franklen may mnke a festa ImntohenhiUe, "^ bimwne with mnsUrd it eoncordnble, bakoft aer ned wiU pe«oA,
b(wf or moton ftewed mto jaable, Bojlcd Chjkon or capon agreable, conrenyent for ^ M«on ;
KfHitM jtoo#e fc pvRP^ fullr profitablr, CAjxifi . llak« ni«te, or Cu>tad»» C'wtAbl**, when ♦^'gis 6c cmynK* be gchoii.
hrfnr*" ituflV of hoa!<ehoM is behoveable, Mirtrowrt or Iu^im*!!/* nr delectable
fur K* M-coD«l course by rcaou.
Thiin re^l. lairiU', ky.i. or cony, Oijkuti or |»iiri"<'n n»»*i«^l t«n<lurly,
l-akeniet/j» >»r dowcett/*^ witA allr.
h t'j following'' fntnwrw, & a Icchc lovelv ; tuohc wnijkfH- in fcvmn is full*' H»'inely
To »rruc vitA buthe cbambur A: Imllr-.
'Di'-n «{ I'uU fi |«eriH witA Ppicea d»li»'atoly Aftwr >^ Irmir of Jh* >»'»■'• fullr deynteithly, wit A )>red and chem- to callr.
?»|i««^i cmkrs and wafon* worthily ii»ihe brmp»t & rnHh''. ha«» nun may nionly \'[v9*' ysvlit bothc grvt 6i smalU."
Ix
ON ^BONDHAN.
w
Edward L's order for his own coronatioD feast was 380 head
of cattle^ 430 sheep, 450 pigs, 18 wild boars, 278 flitches of
bacon, and 19,660 capons and fowls (Macfarlane, Cab. HisL iv.
11, referring to Bymer). Only in bacon, boar, and capons
could the king have come up to his reeve. To what date
then are we to bring the ballad down ? I don't know, and,
if the reason I have assigned for its being tacked on to
Edward I. be the right one, I don't care; for the main
point to me is its connection with him. But taking the ballad
AS it stands, the mention of the OaUiard in it, 1. 530, p. 579,
shows that it was recast, if not composed, after 1541, when that
(lance was introduced. Also the Northern forms haine^ L 504,
gaiige, 1. 209, 343, 864, Strang^ 1. 332, seiUy 1. 502, ryke^ 1. 263,
farramlj 1. 353, 358, &c., the present no-rhymes of hoik and laihy
1. 623-4, 641-2, arse and worse, 1. 668-9, hieele and sovle, L
806-7, &c., show that our version is an altered copy of a Northern
original, or Northern copy. I say copy, because if Uxthe is the
Anglo-Saxon /oriS, a division of the county peculiar to Kent^
the scene of the ballad must have been Kent ; but Chaucer's use
of the word in its sense of bam, in his Reeve's Tale^
yfhy nad thou put tlie capil in the lathe t ^
and Brockett's in his Olossaiy of North Country Words,
Lathe or Loathe, a place for storing hay and com in winter — a barn.
saves us from the necessity of supposing a double transformation of the ballad, though this would be authorised by the ascription of it to "the south-west country" in 1. 909. The Northern saint sworn by in 1. 744, St. William, Archbp. of York in the 12th century, tends to confirm the Northern origiu, as does the " clerke out of Lancashire " who read the roll that contained the tale, 1. 8-12.
* The Prompforium gives ** Berne of Infho (or hitho 1'.), Horrcum^ p. 33, and Mr. Way wiyH, " Lathe, which docs not occur in its proper place in the Promptorium, is possibly a word of Danish introduction into the eastern counties," Lndo, harreum, Dan. iSkinnor observes thiit " it was very commonly uswl in Lancashire." At p. 288 lie also savs that Bp. Kennott notices it also as a Liuoolushire woni, and that Harrison,
speaking of the partition of England into shires and lathes, says " Some, as it wore roming, or rouing at the name Lath, do saie that it is derived of a bam, which is called in Old English a lath, as they coniectnre," " Horreum est focus vbi rrponitur annona^ a bame, a lathe. Grangiat lathe or grange. — Oa- Tus. Orreum, granarium^ kfhe.** — Vo- cab. Roy. MS., 17, C. xvii. Way.
ON " BON DMAH.'* 1x1
If asked to gnegs a date for the composition of the ballad, I fthcMild guen the earlier half of the 15th century^ while for the recmft of it I should guess the latter half of the 16th, or the former half of the 17th. The tradition embodied in it is, I doubt not, of the 13th century.
Let me add, before ending this long rigmarole,' that John the Reere was a well-known typical personage, like Piers Plowman, Ac^ MB IB shown by the following extract from a discussion on the Real Presence in the Harleian MS. 207 :
Bonom est sperare in domino qnem et sperare
[1532.] The Banckett of lohon the Keve. Vnto peirs plon^hman. Laurens Thomhm Tailyor. And hobb of the YnHe. with other.
[A; rvbooo maide. by hobb of the hille vnto Sir lohan the par- idbe prmte rpon A oomminicacion. Betwene. lacke lolie Servyng- mao of thone partie. And. lohan the reve. Peirs plowghman. iMwmact Laborer. Thomlyn tailyor. And hobb of the hilla of thother poKie. Wherin the said Sir lohan wold maike none Awnswer vnto hr knewe the olde vecar mynde. the wiche saide vecar wrote lyenge in hoB bedd veray aeeke. and delyuerde hys mynde in wrytynge. vnto hk pcinche preste. And the said prest deljmerd the same booke to hobb of the hill«. ooonseUynge hym to leame it. wherebye he myght be more able to maike better Answere to snche light fellows if he HimxiDoed to here any suchc Comminicacion in tyme to coTnme. H*'bb c»f the hilli? said vnto sir lohan .;. Good morow Sir lohan .;. krA he AiLHwcred .;. Gtxxl morrowe hobb .;. Hobb said .;. Sir lohan I *m T*'TtLT plade of our met\'n^*' .;. For I am desirouse of yoar coun- •►II- in a weitfhtie matter Sir lohan said. Marie ye shallc hauo the hf-^u- omnri-llr tlial is in me .;. ^Vllat is your matter Bie my faitho >ir ,. Tt-^t^-rtiaif My master [/*''/ 2 b.] and lohan the reve maid a f^-^Ate .\n«i pitTH plew^hmau. I^urence hil)oror. And Thomlyn tailyt)r «^ At <lvn»T at our ht)usc* And I s**rued them at dyner. And t»r *.x.f'- dvTuT was clone. c«>//<me in a Servynjjr man called Itieke lolio. Rrnt t,«i'ttM*rar vnto my Imlie. For my master lohan the reve wns Kroti'T thin y<*are : And when Iaek[e] lolie was sett downe. Ho drsiftuxMicd whether wc liad any messe or no .;. And my master saide
' ! rfmgiit t/> apil'in*^ f«»r itn short- the dfUy namiHl, I have not down
'-ttacv It huM \<r^n put t'lcHlirr in opinionn, miiny of which, thou^^h hardly
f***.' iiM(#. Mr. H«lr«t h.iTintf \>v*'i\ un- cxj»r<M»i-<l, have not b«M'n hwHtily turnu''l,
i^%mu*\j %itui^'lr t«>liTal ita nul»jiTt, as my lon^ c<ion«"Ction with workin)^
ijT w'z.^t Part II hA* >j^n ki'i-t \4uk men and wilh Early taj^^liuh may
in* f^tkttM pWl'i^r ohht^e^i to i»ay guaniDtcr. *• mttt t, I i>g uo tbc c|0<»tt<>u to excuao
Ixii ON "bondman."
we haddc, and tmstede to banc .;. Than saide lacke lolie tbat we war "bljnded for waant of t^achynge. for it is plane jdolatrio to beleue that the bodie and blonde of criste ar in firme of breado and wyne ministrcde in the alter, And for his purpose he Aleged Many Sajenecs, As of Mart jn luther. EooolampEidius. Caralstadij. iohan Firts Malangton, with many djnerse other .;. Than peirs ploughman waxed wonndras Angric. and called lacke lolie. fals heritike. Tl^iui my master desired them bothe to be content in his house, and to reason the matte^ gentlie. And thei warre bothe oontente So to doo.;.
Ixiii
NOTES.
" E»»M. FUntom, Hwi RiUon.* Hen Bmrd k m nitake for fiW, viM p«blkibed tvo fxJs. of ScoCtiah Bftllads.— D. («Alenadcr Djce.)
p t Clr«y OUiv. S« Mr. lUidineBt • eowBento oa this '
tlM& -«s{»brKii,'' qvodi Bidwid Shcale, do«« mT mmm that Sbcal* «m tiw b«t tilt «r«ftr. So ooc of the Picn Flowaa IfS^ (HarL 1»M)
p.! - rU/ W^*lke. Ia the " ConpUjat of Scotkad," wludi VI
U4'«r 1M7. BAtkn is nade of the ** HoBttiai of Cberot," sad oT " The twTKe aad BoofiuMrTe mttT as if these wvtv the titlee of tvo ee|)anL» UUmU That theee wt tvo di«dDcC liallada fended oa the battl* of ^nterhoanM, aad kaovB ia Seotlaad hj the abcyte titlea, is aXrtmAj pr»> t*U« ; iut thoogh, in the .Heottieh ballad of the ** Battle of Otteitwarae " th» hae "The Percy aad Moiit^iiMj ast * oema, the aaae of Chsrkft tj ai^fT Bestiooed. Dr. Percy, u qaodaf ths abore liae froa the ^ 0>ai-
;:*tBt of Sci'tljukil,'' fHT^ "That daj. that day. that ffeatil dar'^ae tlr ' !« 'vioff <'Or. !ot that ic in fact, the title of anothrr ballad or vjzjs. I*r iLm^aoIt. MumwcqI lUu^traty.ms, p. 1.
I /;«/.';* / fjttJT^vrmf. See Mr. I^^^ri ^Tiiie'i ftiU aecoont of it, "ri'Ji la
x^imz^Lx aifi ula»trmlK4M. l4/&don, 1857. — F.
• 1. 7 fr»« { *A f -r WoM rPo</ Henry Br-U. AiyjCher editK>a. «t« M.».
K rr*-«a k. .• » f p'. ♦J^o. of 3y i'»tf»-«. - ChtTj CT-*^, % ba:l^l lu L** •: \ «-»» • T H'-rr Ii»'M. •rr«>int*tii«^i bj the '.rurnal En^iUh TcXL Lozri.t, I*riv^ '*j H.anr iJrycr. liriJgt: St. BUkfriai*, 1S18.*'
• L St 1%^/c; !NKrl*j.-Ch. ( - F. J. Child.)
11. : m .1 .rj «»v«/i'. *ieTOOii ckmlt.— CTu /tfyrf oa W« ( « a load;, u >k«--it 'S-.A.:.*. J, 1 tiiink. crrtaiD. — Ch.
II 14S. ■ wAtcA frrmci,' (as in Old Ballads, 1723) is eertainly the rv^i-
1€ IM mjrrf y^ left toofvU: no d'>u^< of dtXffml. -Ch.
IT * v-» L« w w-t.'A r»r»'s/»rtr/ nji^i. Thj« Torsion :• T#-rT «^^fTr:p<, siyi r.f»-r "T • •-!-? ;t-.i:«.l c-py of 1C4V. Sw mr edition of I»Ttiac-. 1861.— U»r..!V
10 • U M. '■••y*. Thw .• risrtlT the n-T#T^- of wLit 'he {--» n.' ir.». v.: ▼?•<«• - Ilailitt. Thr Hfc'ht bunirn »•. • Kck.w no tueii UUf*. tut ' .« !-£. « Uet ■Ui.as has " lo/'j »ttt:b liUztj."— F.
Ixiv SOTEsw
p. IL Clyrii. Se* cj r-j^rrrrift:- c *: X.:» e%e V**"*^- Sx^i Series riiL 435, and
p. St. 1. J- Tl* Ftrrr Siiir^T rvjiriLt**; ti» cd.iija of 16S6, bat imperfectlj. —
-.u*
p. U, L 13. fvdi
p. SO, la Soxs p»sw. &ir- ** I**^^ saj?. «^ fiai ~ Hollow, my Fancie : " bat xhtrt are 17 »:a,uadL aai =jl=.t diMrTrztcts-^ Tbc lut 9 — incloding only the I&ft of :lo««- ia T hr MS. viiSe^ ii aIs*:* ib^ 1a»:; ia the Se^ots Poems copy — are M:-i to bar* l^^a - »?■: Ij CV. •iiel Ct^liad uf my LatvI Aogos's regiment, vhen be va« a fttoieat ia u:r Cullece -jf £ii&lnz^ and 18 vears of age.** — Ch.
p. 35, L S. 1639 a» the dare of Cakt's deaih is only eoDJectonL — ^H. (>- W. C. HailitL)
p. 37, L 6. 1731. This CC^i-n vas prated in 1662, 8to. and again, with some changes, in 1731, 2 rul*. 12mo. — H.
p. 33. L SS. for aotV r»d timm< ^:be idea is that th*- Lower Hoase sinnea when it dou iit).-
p. 39, n«Ae. Percy's Zw nf-^^ is of course a i^n*lip for LMm^fard. Sir Walter Scott, in a niXc t<> chap. xx. of H'^it^iV-^i-. gires another rcrsion of the 2Dd verMrof this Ballad, and an ai>xiant ol Lansfoxd, but there arc mistakes in it. Scott's rersv is —
The post who came frf*m Corentiy
Kidinc in a r««l locket. Did tidincs ttrlL how Lonsford fell,
A childs hand in his pocket.
The same child-eating scandal is noticed in Rump Surng*, pt. i. p. 65 :
From Fii-lding and from Varasoor,
Both ill-affivtcd men ; From Lonsford eke delirer as.
That eateth up children.
The best account of Lunsford that I know is in The GfntUman^B Magatinef vol. 106, pt. i. 3/>0, 602; pt. ii. 32. 148; vol. 107, pt i. 265. Cf. Hush- fturth HUt. Col., vol iii. pt. i. p. 459; Add. MSS. 1519 1 26, 6358 f. 50^ 5702 p. 118.
There is an engraving among the King's Pamphlets in the British MuHeum — I cannot give the press mark — representing Sir Thomas Limsfoid at full length. In the background is a church in flames, and a soldier with a drawn sword pursuing a woman ; a companion is catching another woman by her hair. Lnder the engraving are these lines :
I'll helpe to kill, to pillage, and destroy
All the opposers of the .^%Iacy.
My fortanos are grown small, my friends are less,
1*11 venture, therefore, life to have redress ;
Bv picking, stealing, or by cutting throates,
Although my practise cross the kingdom's votes.
p. 45, 1. 32, for witt read woe.—Ch.
p. 50, Howfaifre shee be. The earliest appearance of this song of Withei^s WM in A Description of Love, 1620 ; then again it appeared at the end of Fw$ Virtue &c., 1 622, unless the undated sheet in the Pepysian Libraiy be old«r, which ii more than possible. — Uazlitt
NOTES. IxV
; ft I. S. rmd knllyjo^ (hAiidom): NoC« the rliTine.— Ch. I J. '«ut f.^Ch.
; iS 1 U. ferer it right, and Mr. Cbappell wrong : the rhjrme ii with braines, not
afmjrr* --Ch.
L If. Jr\mtk, for rfajme, as Percy 8QggMt«. — Ch.
! t$. «lr>p f/,huit» metrv and tense : * will jou be the taster?* it the mean- n^ -fh.
'. M. Kzu« >■ NaJUM of coune : 29, cojle, rart. — Ch.
I M. f*yM should be my£r : compare 1. 2. — D.
1. S4. for a/ read tm. — Ch.
P Mu t. tt nmi tcmard : 50. twor€i. — Ch.
L M. rattX Cymiki^s ftilaw, Mute*' drere, i.e. (Diana's mate, darling of the
7 $$.\.7% ^rtter : eome word like core is want<^. — Ch.
; M. TV ^rv«r Kmigkt. Oaseoigne the poet, when he was on service in the Low <*'rtizitriet. tells ns that he acqnired the nickname of The Green Knight aad^r arramstaaora of a peculiar character. — Hazlitt.
f O I Ul. Doce, Pnrj^s *0a% is wrong. — Ch.
I \M, ih^ thoold be thee : j<m can do nothing with the Sax. ]^. — Ch. I 14t. 147. md proyr, biim ; (transpose the ; and ,). — Ch.
7 #4 m b' had Mrjfcf Dothing), qj. A^? (i.e. so hare I heU). — Ch.
; ti b <« 4. rpad KgiUmom : hroid it well enough explained bj the A.- Sax. btMan,
: fT ; SM t«//. i.''. caul, net^work for a lad/s head. The note on this word it x'.**^ /r.m th^ purpo^. [So it i«]. Compare —
\'\\T* *- ihr wire*. rij?ht lovetom, white, and tmall : <1' r* ^- thv virgrnft. lu«*tT under k^Uyf. ly-oii-iii ' thowe art the fl'^wr*- of cities all.
I>unbar. Rdiq. Ant, i. 206.— F. T * I r.* fi^^xf-nytt^ BrftthfddWi ir\fe. not Sir Oawnine : see it referred to in Mfci;*-. • ft' .**.'ry, to Syr Gawaynf, under " kell." — D.
; •? I tM. •-••KyA.' * were H>rnr for, Sax. *rr«iirtait. — Ch.
; Tl I I4t /»-'.• -*'. ajf^rentlT from Flinch /iv/i-m*^, claxh. dath, &c. — Ch.
: SM »r^J r>v How ^.«//f " l^leeoc" be right ? To tay nothing of 1. 478. tli*» rf-TO' rr j«:n«l proTt^ it to be wrong. — 1).
'A.' t^rmt t<» m^ morr likelj to hr right. — Ch.
; T4 .. 4M ;hr mrtning can hardlj be proved about Oawaine: prated by is r f '.r.f/ojfh bt. (i«-rfonned by, I should say. — Ch.
. *l . 441 rl*^ rshtly explainrd in note. \cA. h^r has the same meaning %• 'h^ IB <» I>.'ng. : and lo Sax. V^^, found only in composition.— Ch.
T4 4ii. /A^r • •^r,:,d. a« inSaz. So 1. 523.— Ch.
0 4t Ik ^i#ari th^wtpeake" ahottldbe "ft heard AiVnspeake."— D. audCb.
•I 7t '4^ . rby - Ch
1 ■• IT O
Ixvi NOTES.
p. 86, 1. 177, noe morf, read noe moe, — D.
p. 88, 1. 811, smne spending money. The author muBt h&ve written something like money for spending. — D. Kead money for ipending. — Ch.
1. 814, you heyrt, read your heyre, — D.
p. 90, 1. 878, drop ^ (caught from 1. 271 or 268) ; thereto makes sense. — Ch.
p. 98, 1. 886, for said read Aarf.— Ch.
p. 94, L ZW.fone should he foe (unless in the concluding line of the stann goe he an error for gone). — D.
1. 408, read ^o[»]f .— Ch.
p. 98, 1. 688, other - second : cf. 1. 496.— XIl
1. 684, eoe bee, read soe beene. — D.
p. 99, 1. 666, '* for to his eraue he rann " ought manifestly to be " for to his ters graue he rann ' : compare L 543. — D.
I. 667, read followed. — Ch.
p. 104, L 698, thither wold he wend, ? read thither wold he right.— V.
p. 108, 1. 800, read rest. — Ch.
L 807, why not read shivver ? shinvtner makes no sense. — Ch.
p. Ill, 1. 896, noe more, read noe moe. — D. and Ch.
p. 118, L 919, in the crye, an undoubted error for in the stowre. — D.
p. 118, 1. 964. was past f read wasgane, or gaen (i.e. gone). — D.
p. 117, L 1048, read ivith thee.— Ch,
\. 1067, 1 bhould understand yeming as eager, &c It is vety of the noise of a dog who wants a thing yery much. — Ch.
p. 119, 1. 1186, for his heire, read is neire.—Ch, I took it for is her^. — ^F.
p. 180, 1. 1166, read come.—Ch.
p. 188, 1. 1808, busied, ? bustled, made a stir, made a " towre."— Ch.
1. 1807, read f yery wood?— Ch. p. 186, 1. 1800, read tnoe.—Ch.
1. IZ05, feelds, certainly /<!tf*.—D.
p. 188, 1. 1403, blithe, read bliue (i.e. quickly).— D.
p. 188, 1. 1496, affrayd should be aghaste — Copland's ed. haying the right reading in 1. 1494, wonder faste, uid brast being the final word of 1. 1600. — ^D.
p. 188, 1. 1688, Sir MarrocJcee thi hight. If this be right, it means ** they ciUfd him Sir Marrock " : but qy. m hight (i.e. he was called)? — D. Whj not, kt hight ?— Ch.
p. 186, Gvve and Amarant. This is a portion of The Famous ketone qf (riw IM^ qf IVartncke, &c., by S. Rowlands ; and I cannot but think that Mr. F. mistakes the nature and intention of it. Rowlands is eyidentlj imi»y»ii^ the serio-comic romance poetry of Italy, a kind of writing which has bsei popular in that country, from Pulci down to Fortiguerra.---D.
H0T18 Ixvii
Jt. I dooot iiiid«riUiidDot«l, "toraont^.'*— CIl Paige 263 of the BiS. was toni o«t, Percy aaid, to tend Kimg Ettmert, which wms on it, to presi. — F.
JV. L 4i, rn%H^9 ■• rwmvr Am. of coiine. — Ch.
Ji. L M, /Ai# mtemrd art, read Mu coward act. — D.
4i. L Ui. (proUblj) dem[a]^.^Ch.
4i. 1. IL Rkf. " The Dake of Bockinfffaam's Idanifiratation of Remoiiatranca, with a hAtnmi of hit Pruct^dingi in the lale of Ree, 1627, 4to." An unhapmr View of lb* whole Beharionr of mj Lord Duke of Biickin|;ham at the French Uland railed the lale of Rhee, dieeorered by Colonel 'William Fleetwood, an a&f«tftiioate commander in that untoward tenrioe, 1648. This moet fierce and pTvjoduwd tfflpearhment of an expedition, ill planned and nnhappilr ter- ■uaated. is reprinted in the fifth Tolnme of the Somera CoUeetion <^ TVocto. h^wmdta. Thf^ Emditum to the hU qf Rhe, by Edward, Lord Herbert of (^rtmiy. Editetl by Lord Powii for the Philobiblon Soc I860.— F.
47. Ktn^ mni MdW, the firft knoitem edition was imprinted at London, by Ed«wi Allde [rirt4 1600].— Haslitt.
«. L 1 Rttd fir Reere.— Ch.
M. L IM. rv«d a hotts.-^Ch.
4i. 1. 1. for u rtmd It is,
!. S. f w dtflnrm rrad d^rrmt.
n L IS 1
^ 1 7S I ^'^^^ ^ eridently the right reading, as the metre shows. — Ch.
Ml I iT. cW t4Ut, read at last.—V.
Tt. zho Last line of noten, kmrms should be harms. — D.
I lit Id Rrmrr. ix. 317-18. ii Robert Wsterton's petition to be repaid •i* ^^'m ',{ thr Ihike of York, and thf prisoners (1) Count de Ewe, (2) A-.. -r -i' Br*-Mttrn« , i'A) W MnivfH'hall Hucheoaud. Perron de Liipe, and I ..r .!•■ >••**•■. \h*"^- 3. Mt ^. 2'<. 4<i. a day, and othfr travelling cx- :• - • • A* r 334. I{ym*r. ix, srv " lk'«U. curtains, &c. for tho Dukes of
• • !>• • \r. : r.'..r*«'n. Jit Ulth.im. the Towi-rof I^)ndon, Westminster. Wiml-
• • %:.l «i,»ir*^ •■•h» r j»'i;i4e«.'* p. 300 i»., de Domino de Lyne, prisonaris.
r"
T4, ' *».-^n^. <'omf«rtr<» 7^^ Hr^^kr in Mrrttr of /{/J^in Omuimrf, ? tiXtoxii
: /r a:.! AIM* • »»ii:i'»n Uf«»r*» ir>(»0. priijte<l in Ilalliwell's C"/ifrihuiionf ' .•--■, ^>-''*>^ lA*'-rtt'un, 1H|9. ."ind with 4 additional >tanzap inllazlitt's f -". /';u'. •- I'-^.'n/. lii, '2'2\. ('"nipan* aI^o A ptrrr of Frutr liacons i' .-'. ^' . ."j l^r-j.K'AUf. lt;o|, nVny SK'irty. 1844.) I^iuderV p<Hm on '%^ .\ *wr/ ■ •* .*v ■*//<»».// tvfrhnuj (hf Jnt* rtatnni*-nt of virtrwujt mm that ' -*«'i /.'•. kfs. A'- . a:.d Martin I'ark^Tt* liiJnn Omiwirm^, or ConnoionaMe K^ r. H'.» I*r»/r»-*M' th^iniw Court, City, and C«»untn-y: with his bad
• a'*'r*«,r.»i.*Rt at ••a* h M'\»'n»Il j«hi<*e. Very pleasant and merry to beo read. 1* .-.••.--- r Hju:ii*b \,\ M. P.
Chart :•■'• rr»ld, mon?» heartn are hanl. Arvd Hi'M d'j«»rt«« a^Rin<»t Cjnvi«'noe hanl.
I^.' : - \*.V> Kif. . 11 If^av.t. liffitftiH. (Hurton'f l^K-k^i Iltuiitt's lian/i-
M 4f rm,\ t^r.*^' Ch
»■ 2
Ixviii NOTES.
p. 188, 1. 104, aore should be dropped and the line not indented : tore is evidently caught from the line above. — Ch.
p. 190, Harl. MS. 4843 (paper). Article 11 is "Anno Domtni millesimo coezlvi die Martis, in vigilia Lucse Evangolistee, hora Matu/tna ix. commissmn fuit bellum inter Anglos et Scotos non longe a Dimelmia, in loco ubi nunc Stat crux vulgariter dictus Nevillcrosse ** Poema rhythmicum, [leaf] 241. HaH, Ckital,
p. 191, 1. 8, hearken to me a litle [while ?]— Ch.
p. 199, 1. 246, read brother^ (" to the King of ffirance " is a marginal gloss). — Ch.
L 246, &c., brothers should be brother; and the words to the King rf ffrance is a gloss crept into the text. — D.
p. 200, last line but two of note, for 63-6 read 63-8. (Durham Feilde is likely enough by the author of Flodden Field). — Ch.
p. 201, See the " Biscendants from Quy, Earl of Warwick ; i.e. of the family of Arden of Parke-Hall in Com. Warwic. who were indeed descended from the Great Turchil, who lived at the time of the Conquest." Harl. MS. 858, leaf 113. Mr. Halliwell in his Descriptive Notices of Early Englisk His- tories, p. 47-8, says of the story of Guy : " This tale was dramatized early in the 17th century, and Taylor mentions having seen it acted at the Maidenhead of Islington." " After supper we had a play of the life and death of Guy in Warwicke, played by the Hight Honourable the Earle of Barbie his men." Penniksse Pilgrimage^ ed. 1630, p. 140." Dr. Rimbanlt prints the tune of the ballad at p. 46-7 of his Musical Illustrations, from the Ballad Opera of " Robin Hood," performed at Lee and Harper's Booth in 1730. The ballad, he says, "was entered on the Stationers^ books, 5th January, 1591-2.**— F.
p. 202, 1. 87, the grave is a ridiculous blunder for the cave, — D.
1. 47, ingrauen in Mold should be ingrauen ins tone. Here the scribe repeated by mistake the word Mold from the first line of the stanza. — ^D.
p. 208, last line but 4, read " Ma»gertoun." — Ch.
p. 208, 1. 6 from foot. Nephew to the Laird of Mangertoun (misprinted Maxger- toun). This reference to the nephew of the Lord of Mangerton, the chief of the Armstrongs, leads to the inference that the circumstances on which the ballad is founded had occurred previous to the rescue of William Arm* strong of Kinmont, as Sir Hichard Maitland was bom in 1496, and died at the Advanced age of ninety, on the 2()th of March, 1586. Jock, in 1569, gave protection to the Countess of Northumberland, after the unfortunate rising and defeat of her husband and the Earl of Westmoreland, when they were both compelled to fiy from England. After an ansaoeesBftil attempt to take refuge in Liddesdale, they were compelled to put themaelTes under the protection of the Armstrongs of the Debateabie land. The Countess, who did not accompany them, her tire-woman and ten other
Sersons who wore with her, were unscrupulously despoiled by the Liddet- ale reivers of their horses, so that the poor lady was left on foot at John of the Side's house, a cottage not to be compared to many a dog-kennel in England." Maidment's Scotish Ballads, i. 182-3. Maidment also gives the ballad oi Hobbie NoUe at p. 191, showing how he was betrayed into the hands of his enemies by the Armstrongs, whose Jock he had rescued. — F.
p. 204, 1. 4, he is gone, read he is gone or gaen (i.e. gone). — D.
I. 6, (of Maitland) read ane for and. — Ch.
vcns^ Ixix
fi ttT, L 14, A«# twdtimJ^ rmd had fwmwrf.— D.
L IM, /Smv MCflw to be an error for iy$, — D, L ISt, . alW JM."— Ch.
L tt< for iMtf iwd «Mm ? (Percy hM (oM, but that reeding is not likely ta thie Engliah belled).— Ch.
ft. tti^ Bote i, "end idmi^ Periiepe io ; but in old ballade and ie eometimes redeadaaL — D.
p nT. L Mi» tmfoMl fmrnm^ read 9o$fagt rmn, — D.
A. Mi, L M^ «tU $memrm m hrui, Thia, of eoaree, ahoald be with nearu in .—D. (?-F.)
L M, . after " iBg^f—Cfa.
p. Sn, Aeftr •/* Bfindl, There are eereral plays on thie subject. The earlieet M 71# BUmd BMOor rf Bediud-Greem, with the merrv humor of Tom 8tromd tkt SarfJk Ywrnam, as it was divers times mMeldy acted by the Finmees Strfrnmie, WritUm by John Day, 1669, 4to. The latest was l^ my trumd Shendaa Knovlee.— D.
p ttt, I. ft, for sAtsar, read, as in the next stanza, shoone, — D.
f. tn, L if, firnm, I prefer vim as a comption of point, as in *' He*s but cae fin abore a aatnraL Cartwright Cf. onr nee of peg.
The celendar, right glad to find His friend in merry pin.
John Oilpin.^Skeat.
p iii. L 4i. waidsd. Snrsly the context, " nnle " and " greene " and " black." sbove that **«MHiiM''shoald be "m/c£<'*(i.e. pale blue).— D. (? woadc^. -F.)
( Hi. 1. li. mmme. Uerr, to be consistent, we most read sonne\^t\, — D.
p Hi. 1. 70. " tcarifit and rrddT a blunder for *' Scarlett redd:'—D.
; ili. I. iOO, <;f4fs , of cour^. " giostn " frhouW l« '' giufts"" (gifle).— D.
*• iTt i« n«>w Vat a »i'jk clout, as you may m.h*.'* The note on this line *• •trar j»-It wnini?. " A n^/k dnut " i» a clout for fighing (or, more pro- ^«r'.T. nnrngi, i.e. utiaioiog milk. — D. I only know siting for strain-
I St. (jf fjtv, ? reaii ht taints (i.e. coocealii). — I).
i41. .*Wr Egl*tm^tr. "Sir F^lamore " muM have been originally written in N'jTtiirm rmih'-r than in Soulhfm Knffli««h, as appearn fn>ni internal evi- ^Ui^r^. W*- fiiui iijnumfrablo nrae* which are no rimen, but which b^-como •r. %t «>o«-« when tran*Uted into a Northumbrian dialect. Is it not cit'ur tijkt •» h nm<ft a* takrtk an<l g^fth f«h<ml<l l>e tai* au<l gais? That for fane iLz,t '^*^ we >houl«l r»*aii tarn and fxtnr ? So, [ly*, n^rr (riming ti> trrrr) ou^ht t ^* ^ec lH^m^:k an^i rltff* ohoulil be t/rtfis ami ciifi*. Jhrtr and IfUt/he ^\gt'*i . •houlil U' drru'-k and Irurk. Af>"<ir n»u?»t !><• afmut, if it is t<» rim« w.ri, f«.i./<' «'jr i<i<im/i. Antl Anally. a«» a crucial instance, it is alinont ;&'•••.? U ?M f*-lirTe that lhr/«/«r vord« in r^tanza 7'» — ^/o*. rvi*/*. ir<ij», and ' '«''A wrn* m^t int#nd«i to nm« t<^ether in th#» forms /hm. ras, vra*, and .lis '.r ftu To Like one more case, for rrst, tru4t, cast, and last (st. 4 i, n*ail
IxX NOTES.
rest^ trUt, kest^ lest. And when we fnrther observe that the rimes may be thus emended throughout the whole poem^ surely the inference that it was of Northern origin becomes almost a certainty. — okeat.
p. 848, 1. W, for " & show your hart & love," ? read " — hart and lore her to " ?— D.
'In these lines, mare should be mair. — D.
p. 844, 1. 98, \
p. 845, 1. 182,
p. 858, 1. 820,
p. 855, 1. 408,;
p. 859, 1. 505, for home read hame. — D.
p. 867, 1. 702, head. There the rhyme determines that for "head" we must sub- stitute the A.-S. heved. — D.
p. 869, 1. 766, for yedde read yode (not, as Percy says, yeede). — D.
p. 869, A Cauileere. See Qervase Markham's chapter " Of Hawking with all sorts of Hawkes," &c., in his Cmmlrey Contentments, 1615, Bk. I, p. 87-97. " The pleasure of hawking . . is a most Princely and serious delight** — F.
p. 878, 1. 856, for rose read rase. — D.
p. 882, 1. 1119, for jnore read moe. — D.
p. 884, 1. 1117, for went hee read hee gone.
p. 887, note 1. As the true reading is undoubtedly " man" why say anything about the meaning of " May*'? — D.
p. 888, 1. 1285, for dwdl read v>end.—D.
p. B90, The Emperour and the ChUde, or Valentine & Orson. See Halliwell*s Descriptive Notices, 1848, p. 29-t30, as to the Bomance, and the proM story.
p. 401, 1. 12, " that ginnye his ffilly wold haue her owne will." Here " Gmng^ is the name of " his ffilly.** If the MS. has " grimye,** it is an error. — D.
p. 419, 1. 106, for young read ying. — D.
p. 482, 1. 489, " &; said, Cozen will !
who hath done to you this shame ? '*
Here " will ** sounds very ridiculously, as if the 3 knights were using the familiar abbreviation of their cousin's name ! Read undoubtedly (com- paring Kit8on*8 text of the passage),
" & said. Cozen William, who hath done to you this shame ? " — D.
p. 454, L 1078, " both old & young.** "i in both places " young ** should be p. 496, 1. 2228, " both old and young.** J "y»«^."— fi.
p. 498, note 1. Wivre. See a drawing of one at p. 9 of the Bestiaire etAmomr of Richard de Foumival, Paris, 1860 ; and Mons. Hippeau*s note at p. 108-4. — F.
p. 500, Childe Maurice. See R. Jamieson*s notes to this ballad in his i\)p. Bof. and Songs, i. 16-21.— F.
N0TE8. Ixxi
f. Mf . I. M. mmi drytd U om the ^roMm, Jamieton comparM
Horn gmn hi« iwerd gripe Ant €m kis arm kit wype : The Sansyn he hit my. That hit hed (el to js to.
Riteon'i Met, Rom. rol ii. p. 116.— F.
f. Mi. L 117. wtektd he wty mgrry men aU. Jamieton compares with this the last I sUnas of little Mnsgiare (i. 122, note) : " Woe worth yon, woe worth mj mtrrj men all,** and sajs, ** The same kind of remonstrance with those aboat him oefon in Le«*s tragedy of 'Alexander the Qreat' after the m«fder of ClitoSb" Most men want to pot their sins on other people*s sbo«ldsn.— F.
f 9KL the sstraet froa Laas^s MS. HarL 6243, is only his address to the reader, before his Poem oo Ony. — F.
f, nt, 1. IM. for motme read *« noone /•jm." (Compare, <mU, p. 468, 1. 1441,—
*' ifro : the bower of prims till it was emamsom^ dime.'*) — P.
I I MO, for Ihert read tkor9,—D.
pk. #41, L Mt. Tliere is a chnveh in Winchester called St. Swithin's, which is meffvly a laise room orer the archway of King's Ghite, bat it has no pre- Urmtiftmm to toe aatiqaitT mentioned in your letter. The sword and axe of tJbe fiaat were pfobably ordered to be hnnc np in the cathedral church, which was origiasJly dedicated under the title of St. Peter and St. Paul ; \m. tbe body of St. Swithin baring been transferred from tbe chnrchyard i«io tJbe fmnptaoos shrine bnilt for its reception, the cathedral from thence- forth down to the time of Henry VUL was distinguished ^the name of SmiUkm, and this is no doabt the church alliued to. — Walter Bailey.
^ iTi. L Mi. JtAm d€ Rmm. The mention of the galliafd here, a dance not intro- dorM into Eoi^Iaod till about 1541,coDfinn8 what the language shows, that oar Tem<io of the puem is a late one. — F.
f Mf I iM. On Lkapt, tee Wedgwood's Diet. i. 321.
Bt0l)op 0eres'0 folio jn^.
Ballaliiel aitH SU)mattrn(.
Tinz are two principal versions of this well-known ballad — Uk old, aiicl a modem one. The copy preserved in the Folio is a •li^tlv various form of the latter.
Th<f oldt-irt copy of the old version is preserved in a MS. in tine A.^hmolean Collection at Oxford. This was printed by Heame, in 1719, in the Prefece to his edition of Gulielmiis N-nr.r:^»-ii.Mf». ^To the MS. copy/' pays Percy, " is subjoined tlu* i.^L,'- • f thtr author, Rychard SheaU* [expliceth (pioth Rychanl '**»'*.V : »h"m Hearn»- had so little judj^eineiit lus to supponc to '- !h- -:»Hi«' ^ith a K. Sht^al, who was living in 1588." Thr X'^-ril • haract^-r of tht- lan^iage, if there were no other proof, ]f ••-* T/..it the hallad i> of a niudi earlier date than 1588 ; l)ut y -i*r Iv ll^.int*' iti ri^'ht in identifyin;; tliesuhserilxKl "K. Slieah" • •J. ?r.<- »ell-known laillad-sinp-r of that name, who flourislnd.
f '..• r» tnily withere<!, in th»\ rti^n <»f i^iieen Kliwibeth. This Vr*l#- na^ in ^^ni** Mirt tlie la*»t of the ininstrelH. There art'
'. '4- ;r:.''^\ (\.'A">U'U nt < 'M < Jl.t-^TMW 8^ 1 7 17. — WAii h in f' ruarkal 1. •"* * > "iT \ . I J'. 1«»M. N'> xir. f.r lh«- ^illul rdrnijtioiiH ii.a.lf in uM *« r*» }.»».: 1^* lu U\*' Mrtiv.n \* I'a**a^'»H wAuh r<»iutr!i tin- lu.-
2 CHECT CHA21E.
extant some lines of his, of very inferior merit, wherein he l>ewail9 his miserable condition. He narrates with many sighs and groans how he has been robbed, left destitute, and no man gave unto him. Certainly, if these lines are a fair specimen of his talents, one cannot wonder that he found the world somewhat cold. And certainly the author of those lines could never have written " The Hunting of the Cheviot." But he may have sung it many and many a time, and passed with many an audience for the author. And hence, perhaps, the subscription of his name to the Ashmolean copy. The ballad in his time was extensively popidar. Sir Philip Sidney refers to it in a well-known passage (though, as Prof. Child suggests, it is not impossible that he may mean the " Battle of Otterboume "), as commonly sung by " blind crowders." ilany years before Sidney wrote his Defence of Poetry^ the Complaint of Scotland, written in 1548, speaks of " The Huntis of Chevot,*' and quotes the line.
That day, that day, that gentill day,
which is apparently a memory-quotation, or perhaps a Scotch version of
That day, that day, that dredfiill day.
This evidence of its popularity in the middle of the sixteenth century, coupled with the antiquity of the language (though much of that "antiquity" belongs to the dialect in which, rather than to the time at which, it was written), justify the assigning of the ballad to the fifteenth century.
This ballad is historically highly valuable for the picture it gives of Border warfare in its more chivalrous days, when ennobled by generosity and honour. The hewing and l^M^lriiig lose their horrors in the atmosphere of romance thrown around them. And the main incidents of the piece are no douht generally tnie.
Such fierce collisions as here represented must often have
CHEUT CHASB. 3
oecurred, and from the same cause here given. ^ It was one of the Laws of the Marches frequently renewed between the two nations, that neither party should hunt in the other^s borders without leave from the proprietors or their deputies.^ This permission the high-spirited Borderer was not always disposed to mak. He did not care to beg for favours. He would make no •ecret of his purposed sport, so that if the warden of the March about to be trespassed upon chose to oppose him, he was not prevented from doing so by ignorance of his intention. In this wmj the proclamation of a hunting expedition across the Borders WBB in reality a challenge to a contest. An excellent illustration of the perpetual possibility of an encounter, which attended and jeoommended these defiant expeditions, is to be found in the Memoirs of Carey, Earl of Monmouth, Carey was Warden of tbe Marches in Queen Mary's time, and gives the following account :
** There had been an ancient custom of the borders, when
tliey were at quiet, for the opposite border to send the warden of
the Middle Marche, to desire leave that they might come into
the borders of England, and hunt, with their greyhounds for
deer, towards the end of summer, which was denied them.
Towards the end of Sir John Foster's government, they would,
without asking leave, come into England and bunt at their
jiessurej and stay their own time. I wrote to Famehurst, the
warden over against me, that I was no way willing to hinder
them of their accustomed sports ; and that if, according to the
ancient custom, they would send to me for leave, they should
liaTe all the contentment I could give them ; if otherwise, they
would continue their wonted course, I would do my best to
Under them. Within a month after, they came and hunted as
Hbej used to do, without leave, and cut down wood, and carried
it away. Towards the end of summer, they came again to their
wonted sports. I sent ray two deputies with all the speed they
«
B 2
■* CHEUT CHA5E.
could make, and thej tixik aloug with them such gentlemen as wrri' in t}ifir >\av, with niv fortv horse, and about one o'clock t!.t'V came up to thein, and set upon them. Some hurt was done, l.ut I gave e«pecial order they should do as little hurt^ and she«l as little ]ilot:Kl as possible they could. Tlieytook a dozen of the principal ir»Mitlemen that were there, and brought them to me to Witheringtoii, where I then lay ; I made them welcome, and \p\ye them the liest entertainmeut I could; they lay in the castle two or three days, and so I sent them home, they assuring me that they wiiukl never hunt again without leave. The Scots king complained to (Jueen Elizabeth very grievously of this fact."
'* .Mr. Addison, in his celebrated criticism on that ancient ballad of CIkvv Chasf, Sped. No. 20, mistakes the ground of the quarrel. It was not any particular animosity or deadly feud between the two principal actors, but was a contest of privilege anil jurisdiction between them, respecting their offices, as lords wardens of the inarches assigned.'' Extract from the Report of Sir Thomas Carlton, of Carlton Hall, 1547, in Hutchinson's Il'sfory of Cinnhrrlawl, pp. 28-9.
The general spirit of the ballad then is historical. But the details are not authentic. " That which is commonly sung of the Hunting of Cheviot," says Godscroft, writing in his James VL's time, and apparently referring to a version of the ballad then circulating in Scotland, " seemeth indeed poetical and a mere fiction, perhaps to stir up virtue ; yet a fiction whereof there is no mention, either in Scottish or English Chronicle." An event to which it might possibly refer according to Collins, in his reeragey was the Battle of Pepperden, fought in 1436, as Hector Boethiiis infonns us, " not far from the Cheviot hills, between the Earl of Northum])erland, and Earl William Douglas of Angus, with a small army of about four tliousand men each, in which the latter had the advantage. As this seems to have been a private conflict between these two great chiefVains of the Borders,
CHEUT CHASE. 5
^ rather than a national war^ it has been thought to have given Z' rise to the celebrated old ballad of Chevy Chase ; which to render it more pathetic and interesting, has been heightened with tragical incidents wholly fictitious.^ But in any case these were great Border names. Percy and Douglas were typical chieftains. Moreover on the field of Otterboume a Percy and a Douglas had fought fiercely together^ man against man, under very similar circumstances. That field was much celebrated in Border poetry, and elsewhere. The ballad on the Hunting of the Cheviot, — borrowed largely from that on the Battle of Otterboume, — was, in fact, in course of time believed to celebrate the same event. Observe these lines of it :
This was the Hontynge of the Cheyiat ;
That tear began this spam : Old men that knowen the grownde well yenough ;
Call it the Battell of Otterburn.
This attempt made at the identification of two actions is noticeable. We are afraid that the " old men " scarcely knew the ground well enough. Otterboume is but some 30 miles from Newcastle. Douglas met Percy, the " Hunting " tells us, in Teviotdale. In a word, the two ballads represent two difi*erent features of the old Border life — the Raid and the defiant Hunt. But they had much in common, and so were soon confused together.
Of the battle of Otterboume, fought in 1388, there are historical accounts in abundance — Fordun's, Froissart's, Holin- shed's, Godscroft's. See Minstrelsy of tfte Scottish Border. Of the ballad concerning it — whose account is mainly accurate — indeed the facts somewhat trammel the poet's wings, — there are three versions : the English one, given by Percy in his Reliques, from a Harl. MS. in the earlier editions, from a more perfect Cotton MS. (Cleop. iv. f. 64) in the fourth, and two Scotch ones, to be found, one in the Minstrelsy^ the other in Herd's Scottish
6 CHEUT CHASE.
Songs. The differences between the English and Scotch versions are such £w might be expected — are of a patriotic kind. The main difference between the two Scotch versions relates to the death of Douglas.
Of the versions of **the Hunting of the Cheviat," that preserved in the Folio is^ as we have said^ the modernised one ; not that heard by Sidney, who calls what he heard "the rude and ill- apparelled song of a barbarous age ; '' a description not applicable to the present version. When this modernisation was made, cannot be said exactly. ^^That it could not be much later than Queen Elizabeth's time," says Percy, " appears from the phrase * doleful dumps ; ' which in that age carried no ill sound with it, but to the next generation became ridiculous. We have seen it pass uncensured in a sonnet that was at that time in request, and where it could not fail to have been taken notice of, had it been the least exceptionable [in " a song to the lute in Musicke " from the Paradise of Daintie Deuises, 1596], yet in about half a century after, it was become burlesque. Vide Hudibras, Pt, i. c. iii. V. 95." Its presence in the Folio MS. shows that it was not made later than the first half of the seventeenth century. It soon became the current version. Addison in his o^Hque in the Spectator knows of no other. A comparison of it with the old versions will show, besides one or two verbal blunders, that much of its vigour has been lost in the process of translation.
Of all our ballads this perhaps has enjoyed the widest popu- larity, both North and South of the Tweed. This popularity has scarcely ever decayed. It was translated into rhyming Latin verses by a Mr. Wold of New College, Oxford, at the instance of Dr. Compton, Bishop of London, in 1685.
Vivat Rex nost^r nobilis,
Omnis in tuto sit; Venutus olim flebib's
Chevino luco fit.
It circulated on many a broad sheet. It was eulogised in
'4
CHEUT CHASE.
he Spectator in Queen Aone's reign. It was printed wherever inything of the kind was printed in the succeeding years, when mch things were held in but slight esteem. It is as it were the [^pic of Border poetry.
(jOD Prosper long our noble King,
our lifies & saftyes all ! a woefidl hunting once there was 4 in Cheuy Chase befall.
to driue the deere with hound and home
Erie Pearcy took the way : the Child may rue that is ynbome 8 the hunting of that day !
[page 188]
A woeful bunt was beldin Chevy Chase.
Earl Percy
12
the stout Erie of Northumberland a Yow to god did make,
his pleasure in the Scottish woods 3 somtners days to take ;
vowed to kill Scotch deer for three days.
the eheefest harts in Cheuy C[h]a8e
to kill & beare away, these ty dings to Erie douglas came 16 in Scottland where he Lay,
who sent Erie Pearcy present word
he wold prevent his sport, the English Erie, not fearing that,* 20 did to the woods resort
Douglas
gaid he'd stop that gport.
But Percy
went to his hunt
24
with 1500 * bowmen bold,
all chosen men of Might, who knew flTull well in time of neede
to ayme their shafts arright.
with 1500 bowmen,
• this.— P.
^ 2000.— P.
8
CHEUT CHASE.
and on Monday twgmnhSt hnnt.
By noon 100 bodu are ■lain.
After dinner, they
bant again,
and the hills echo their crieA.
the Gallant Greyhound ' swifUy ran
to Chase the fallow deere ; on Mnndaj they began to hunt 88 ere ' daylight did appears ;
& long before high noone th6 had
a 100 fatbackes slaine. then haning dined, the dronyers went 32 to rouze the deare ' againe ;
The Bowmen mnstered on the hills,
well able to endure ; theire backsids all with speciall care 36 that they * were guarded sure.
the hounds ran swiftly through the woods
the Nimble deere to take, that with * their cryes the hills & dales 40 an Eccho shrill did make.
Percy
wonden whether Donglas will appear.
"There he is,
with 3000 men!"
Lord Pearcy to the Querry • went
to veiw the tender deere ; qiioth. he, " Erie douglas promised once 44 this day to meete me heere ;
" but if I thought he wold not come,
noe longer wold I stay." With that a brauo younge gentlman 48 thus to the Erie did say,
*' Log, yonder doth Erie douglas come,
hys men in armour bright, ftiU 20 hundred ^ Scottish speres 52 all Marching in our sight.
* greyhounds. — P.
* when. — ^P.
■ them up. — P.
* that day.— P.
» And with.— P. • Quarry. — P. » 16,00.— P.
CIIIU7 OlIAflB.
9
ftD plcMBnt men
fiwt bj the riaer Tweede."
O emae your spoitti ! " * Erie Pewoj nud,
''•lid take yowr bowee wfth speede^
S3
CO
•4
•tj
**• A now with me, my eolintiymeiii
joisr oonnge forth adiraiioe I for there was neaer Champion yett '
in 8cott.land nor inf&anoe
** that eaer did on horabacke oome,
A if my hap ^ it were, I durst enoonnter man for man,
with him to breake a spere.'*
Erie doogbs on his * Milke white steede,
Most Like a Baron bold, rode formost of his company,
whose annonr shone like gold : i^^^ \m]
** shew me," sayd hee, *^ whose men yon bee
/A'lt hunt see boldly heere, r/.it withoat mj consent doe chase
d kill uij fuUow dt*erc/*
cLf timt nian th*ii did ^ answer make
wikH noblt* Pearcy hec, wht> KAV<1, ** wee liift not to declare,
ii*.*r bhcw wLoAo men wee bee,
" Tctt WW will 7 Hpend our doerest blood
thv rhe«fe^t * hjirtH U) Hlay." then d<»airlas swuru a Holempno oathe,
sbd than in rage did say.
CototeSTs;
tewm fight
toman.
BMB tMKJ
that hunt
hit
F«rc7
win not t«U,
but win flffht ffir tho liRhtlo hunt.
Doogtw
dttClATM
li-r.
•. <f f-liSf^aDt Tivi'ftilnlr. -P.
• Tr.'r. ^m*^ »|tfirt. I*.
• y * tM''*r wnA thc*r*'n cIiam^ud.-— 'P.
• 'u if my hafi- P
• n.-P.
* mnn that flnit did. — P.
* will wo. -P.
* tliechouvnt. P.
10
CHEUT CEABK.
tlutt one of them miut die.
and Mit
would
be wrong to
kill their
guilUen
meiif
he chal- lenges Percy to single combat. Percy socepte.
A iqttire,
Withering- ton, protests
that he'll not look on while Percy fights:
he'U fight too.
The English archers shoot, and kill 80 Scots.
84
100
104
108
*' £re thus I will ontbraned bee,
one of VB tow shall dye ! I know thee well ! an Erie thou art,
Lord Pearcj ! soe am I ;
" but trust me, Pearcye, pittye it were,
& great offence, to Kill then any of these our goiltlesse ^ men, 88 for they hane done none ill ' ;
sayd.
" Let thou » A I the battell trye,
and set our men aside.*' " accurst bee [he !] " Erie * Pean^e 92 " by whome it is denyed."
then stept a gallant Squire forth, —
witherington was his name, — who said, *' I wold not haue it told 96 to Henery our King, for shame.
" thai ere my captaine fought on foote,
& I stand looking on : you bee 2 Erles," * quoth witheriughton,
*' <& I a Squier alone.
" He doe the best that doe I may,^
while I haue power to stand ! while I haue power to weeld my ^ sword, He fight with hart & hand ! "
Our English archers bend * their bowes — their harts were good & trew, —
att the first flight of arrowes sent, full foure score scotts ® th6 slew.
* h&nnless. — P. « no ill— P. » thee.— P. « he, Lord.— P. » Lords.- P.
• that e'er I may.^P. ' a.— P.
• Scottish bent— P.
• they 4 score English. — P.
-¥
cauTT cnisK.
U (bias tiie daere with hound A homci, ■ Bade an the bent ;
ritli Mtcklo mighi,' lU Umst apem to aluden went.
thej rrlnii (Ul bat od euarye sido, n* !«■
BO« »lw.'kBW tlMire was iuond,
Imt * OMBT a nllsnt yntlftmui ""^ miRir iia Iaj gaaping on Uie gronsd.
OCfcriit! it wma groAt groene * to eca chrinni
Ikow aclw man cboM bia apere,* •«•
A how Oa blood oat of tiwir bmti ' IM didgodiUkawatarolMnl'
aAWttlHHSatostSiki'didmBot SlST'
lika OiptMMi of gratt Bd^ i
IM lU mido a oraoD fl^
tU iam^A, ntin tliar botli did awwrf^
with nrorda of tempend atoele, till blood [»-]downe thmr cheekea like nuao blood anpt
iM tb^ trickling downe did feele.'*
" O jwld tbee, Vmkjk ! " ■* Donglaa aayd, D««ta.
" k** in&ilb I will tbea bringe Bm to
wberv thon sball high advanced beo lU by lamM our acottiah King ;
' TWNHitcbEdiUrUiiakiUuaihf be • LardM.—P.
Rmtt^ K •• BOT'd^P. r for Miodf, wild.— F.
■ • (w^ — P. or ' th* iKwrf or plock ' of liooi. — SuU,
• pn£ — P. » r jL-a JnU, m mao ; or fcr JUw(*.
'Md-'f. iDodlr— F. or<ayMrf,laidanhaftTU7.
' - — 8ke^
•• Until the bloodbkadma of mis TW tiieUing down did fooL — P. ■• n«)dlbalo^P.-P. "i.- P.
12
CHEUT CHAfiE.
136
" thy ransome I will ft^ely giue,
& this * report of thee, thou art the most couragions Kjiujht
[that ever I did see.*] "
Percy wUl never yield toaScot.
UO
" Noe, Douglas ! " qwoth Erle^ Percy then, [page 190
** thy prefer I doe scome ; I will not yeelde to any scott
that ener yett was borne ! "
An English arrow
kills DoDgla^,
144
With that there came an arrow kccne
out of an english bow, who * scorke Erie donglas on the brest *
a deepe and deadlye blow ;
exhorting his men to fight.
148
who neuer sayd ® more words then these, " fight on, my menymen all !
for why, my life is att [an] end, Lord Pearcy sees my ^ fall."
Percy
laments over his dead foe;
152
then leaning liffe, Erie Pearcy tooke
the dead man by the hand ; who * said, " Erie dowglas ! for thy ' sake
wold I had lost my Land !
a braver knight ne*er died.
156
" O christ ! my verry hart doth bleed for *® sorrow for thy sake !
for snre, a more redonbted ** "Knight, Mischance cold ** neuer take ! "
» thus.— P.
» That ever I did see.— P.
" Lord.— P.
* which. — P. scorke.ioT storke, BtToke^ struck ; skorke moans scorch ; see skorche in Halliwell's Gloss. — F.
* to y* heart.— P.
• spake. — P. » me.— P.
» And.— P.
• life.— P. •« with.— P.
" renowned. — P, " did.— P.
Tart n.
m
It
Sit
re41 Bi0Bii3«id ciL ft giil— 17
And'
^'m
ITl
ft iftne^ dodi Tvd 4
f tirgt: k ni^pr.
%km»
ir« tl« 5cible Erie -WW ftiiuitfu
W h^ 'ft' rw^ ^oc^ * A li» ifloic ■M«dr €/ft trw0j trtif ,
i£ krr^'w '/ ft ''»'*t.t ^•ti I'lijr*
♦ . •»^ t k •- t.A'Sa.'* tf%^m»^ ' (*A4«
14
CHEUT CHASE.
■hoots Mont- gomery
through the heart.
184
against Sir Hugh Mountgomeiye ^ hiB shaft full light ' he sett ;
the grey goose winge tJuit was there-oo, in his harts bloode ' was wett.
Theflg^t kata idl day.
188
this fight from breake of day did last ^
till setting of the sun, for when th6 rang the Enening bell
the Battele scarse was done.
Names of theEngliah knighta ilain.
192
wtth * stout Erie Percy there was slaine ®
Sir lohn of Egerton/ Sir Robert Harcli£fe 4 Sir William,®
Sir lames that bold barron ;
196
& with Sir George & * Sir lames,
both Knr^^ts of good account ; & good Sir Raphe Bebbye ^° there was slaine,
whose prowesse ** did snrmonnt.
Withering- ton fights on his stumpa when his l^arecnt off.
200
for witherington needs mnst I wayle as one in too ftdl ^^ dnmpes,
for when his leggs were smitten of, he fought vpon his stumpes.
Names of the Scotch knighta alain.
204
And with Erie dowglas there was slaine
Sir Hugh Mountgomerye, *^ & Sir Charles Morrell ** that from feeldo
one foote wold neuer flee ;
» then.— P.
' 80 right his shaft. — P.
• heart-blood. — P.
* did last from break. — P. » the.— P.
' There is a dot for the t, but nothing more in the MS. — F, ' Ogepton.— P.
• Ratcliffe & Sir John.— P.
' Sir Geoige also & good. — P. •« Good .... Babby.— P. " courage. — P. »« doleful.— P. '« d.— P. >« Murray.— P.
CHBUT CHASB.
15
Sir Roger Heaer of Harcliffe tow, — > hifl sitten sonne was hee, —
S>*r darid LAmbwell well ' esteemed, bat MTed he cold ' not bee ;
111
su
k the Lorr? Maxwell Id like case ^
with Douglas he did dye ; * * of 2^} ^ hundred Scottish speeres, So did flje ;
of l.V» Englishmen
went home bnt 53 * ; the rest in Cheaj chase were slaine,
Vnder the greenwoode tree.
bat* 191]
Of MOO
Sooteh
left;
of IMO BDffliah, only AS.
t»
Nf xt dar did many widdowes come
their hnsbands to bewajle ; thej washt * their wounds in brinish teares,
but all wold not * preyayle.
Next day the widows come, and weep.
14
therr l>o*lve<i iMithrd in f)urj)lc blood, th»'- Ujh* With them away,
tii. V kiM thfni dtiwl a 1'hV) times tpf tht* '^ were cWid in clav.
and carry the corpaeii off
to the gT%re.
*!•
thi- ' n-Wi's waj» *' brou^lit to Ed<lenlH)rrow when* S<^»ttbindfi Knoj did rayne,
thtt hrsiiK- Erie Doa^las Hoddainlyo nnf, With an arrow slaine.
- r ♦ " a M'irrxr of lUu lilF** t<>».
r>f 20,00 Endijihrnen ^4»a^c«• Ad did flct*. — P. ' I.V— P.
• MS. th»y waiiht th«-y.— F. d.— P.
• r«»uld n<*t. — P.
•• wh«n thry.— P. '• The«.— P.
'■ irer».— P
16
CHECT CHAISE.
Kin;r Jarr.M Umf^nu th« k**» of
'So 'r.ch captAin has be left.
King Henry
Percy'* lo« ;
((
be hftM .Vm> AH ^ckkI still left,
bnt ho will take ven- gr>anco
tffT Percy's death.
Ami he did on llnmblo
J>OWIM»,
killinf? Lordit, and
hnndnvlH of leiw account.
God grant
Uiai Ktrifo Ijctwwn noblo men may ccaso I
^ O heanj newes ! ** Km</ lames can saj, '* Scottland may wittenesse bee I bane not any Capttii'ii^ more 2.32 of such account as hee ! "
like ty dings to K^ing Henery came
w/thin as short a space, that Pearcy of Nortlinmberland 236 in Cheny chase was slaine.'
" Now god be with him ! " said onr Kiwy,
" sith it will noe better bee,' I trust I hane within my realme 240 500 as good as hee !
" * yett shall not Scotts nor Scottland say
but I will vengeance take, & be revenged on them all 244 for braue Erie Percyes sake."
* this vow the "King did well performe
afler on humble downe ; in one day 50 Knights were slayne, 248 w?'th Lords of great renowne,
& * of the rest of small ® account,
did many hundreds dye : thus endeth the hunting in ^ Cheuy Chase 252 made ® by the Erie Pearcyo.
God saue our * King, and blesse this '® land
with plentye, loy, & peace ; & grant hencforth tJuit foule debate 256 twixt noble men may ceaze ! ffillS.
Now God 1)0 with him, cried our king,
Sith will no hotter be ! I t.niHt I hiivo &c. — P. WiiH »lain in Che^y Chase. — P. () fumvy news, K, Henry said,
EugH can witness be, — P.
* These 2 stanzas omitted in y* Scotch Edition. — P. See note, p. 1. — F.
• Now. — ^P. • mean. — ^P, » of.— P. • led.— P.
» the.— P. »• the.— P.
17
LcmeuurB^s aongi were in great request in his day. They were lec to mode faj popular oompoaera of the time, — ^by Dr. John Wikon, by Mr. John Laniere, by Mr. Henry Lawea whom Dante VM to give Fame leave to set hi^er than hia Gasella— and drcolated widely in Boyaliat Society. Till 1649— the author WM bom in 1618— they led a acatfcered and wandering life. In that year they were gathered together and published in a volume entitled ^ Lucaila, Epodea, Odea, Sonnets^ Songs, &c to which is added Anunanfha a Pastorall, by Bichard Lovelace, Esq.'* Mean- while there were, no doubt, in vogue many versions of the greater £:kToiiht««, more or less inaccurate. The copy of the exquisite «.-c./ beginning ^'^lien Love with unconfined wings/' here phiitcrd from the Folio MS^ is one of these.
<»f hll the Cavalier poets Lovelace is the most charming. He 19 ft tnie cavalier ; he is a true poet The world, that has long ''iiZi^i avav itii ear from Cowley and Cleveland, still listens to ?.;.• #«*^ voice. Are there any gems brighter than his soDg " to IjjcartA on going to the Wars,** or that to ** Althea from Prison '" ? H V cLivalroiu the thought of them ! How tremulously delicate ?L#- c-xpreacioo !
Hu life was full of sadness. The son of a Kentish knight, ^^tin^itd at the Charterhouse and at Gloucester Hall, Oxfonl,
Wr^<«.a ty Col. JohA LovrUat [t.i. Onm. Vol. 2f WritUrn by <4e Aiitb"r i^ •..ftrd LuT»kfe»]. 8r« Wood*! AiMemm when tmpriiOD'4.— P.
« t. II C
18 WHBN LOUE WITH VNCONFINED WINGS.
" the most amiable and beautiful person that eye ever beheld, a person also of innate modesty, virtue and courtly deportment, which made him then [at Oxford], but especially after, when he retired to the great city, most admired and adored by the female sex." Thus physically endowed, thus happily circumstanced, he was yet crossed in love, and died in a state of destitution.
Lucy Sacheverell — the Lux Casta or Lucasta of his poems, from the nunnery of whose chaste breast and quiet mind he had fled to war and arms, that "dear" whom he loved so much because he loved honour more — misled by a report that he had died of wounds received at Dunkirk while commanding a regi- ment, of his own forming, in the service of the French king, became the wife of somebody else. The close of the civil war, in which he had devoted both his services and his fortunes to his king^s cause, found him beggared. His loyalist zeal got him twice into prison. " During the time of his confinement," says Wood of the first imprisonment, " he lived beyond the income of his estate, either to keep up the credit and reputation of the king^s cause by furnishing men with horses and arms, or by relieving ingenious men in want, whether scholars, musicians, soldiers, &c. ; also by furnishing his two brothers Colonel Franc. Lovelace, and Capt. Will. Lovelace (afterwards slain at Caer- marthen) with men and money for the king's cause, and his other brother called Dudley Posthumus Lovelace with monys for his maintenance in Holland to study tactics of fortification in that school of war." '^ After the murther of King Charles I., Lovelace was set at liberty [from his second captivity], and having by that time consumed all his estate, grew very melan- choly (which brought him at length into a consumption), became very poor in body and purse, was the object of charity, went in ragged deaths (whereas when he was in his glory he wore cloth of gold and silver), and mostly lodged in obscure and dirty places, more befitting the worst of beggars and poorest of servants, Ac . .
WEES LOCI wnn thcokti^eb wtvg?. 19
He died in a rerj mean lodging in Gunpowder alley near Shoe- bne, and was buried at the west end of the church of St. Bnde aUm Bridget in London, near to the body of his kinsman, l»^*ill. I»TeIace of Graj*s Inn, Esq.^ — ^ Richard Lovelace, Esq^"^ savs Aubrev, ** obiit in a cellar in Long Acre, a little before the mtauralion of his ma*^. Mr. Edm. Wyld, ^c, had made
colletrtions for him and given him money Geo. Petty,
haberdasher, in Fleet Street, carryed XXs to him every Munday
morning from Sir Mahy, and Charles Cotton, Esq., for
months, but was never repay "d."^ He died in 1658, and so was nvtd from experiencing Stuart gratitude. These accounts of Li« disuuJ indigence may perhaps be coloured. But there can W no doubt he ended in extreme poverty, in a sad contrast to tbe brilliancy of his early days.
The fiillowing song was written during his first captivity. He hail been chosen by his county to present a Petition to the House of C ommons ** for the restoring of the king to his rights, and for •v-tling thf' government." He presented it, and by way of answer »x* o*riitnitte«l to the Gate Houw at Westminster. But liis mind, .:.'. • -rit and ijuift, to«»k his prison for a hermitage. His gaolers :.-.».ri hirn •iii;^iiig in his bon(iri. Love with wings that brooked :. ' • ufiu*uifUi hnveretl near him. Hrought by that chain less •• '.'^ xIj' divine Althea came to visit liim in liis durance. She
: .•i»i\ thf? cjiptive into a second captivity. With her fair hair . - •» .-. .• fr»-h Uinds for him; she laid on new fetters with her '*..>.. I;«it h»- rtrv<-lh*<l in thest* chains. Having freeilom in his ■ .1, xiij*'\'^ al<»n»* that are above enjoyed such liberty.
W HKN l>»ve w/th vncoiifincd win^s
h"\» r% Within my vrJ»t<*s, A i:.v di\ihf Altht'U hriii«:H 4 to whi»»jM,' lit my grates,
i- 2
Wh«'H r \
20
WHEN LOUB WITH VNCONFINBD WINQS.
I am free as a bird.
When I, confined, sing my king's goodness,
lam free as tbe winds.
when I lye tangled in her heere
& fettered with her eye, the bnrdB that wanton in the ayre 8 enioyes ^ such Lybertye.
When, Lynett like confined, I wtth shriller note shall sing the mercy, goodnesse, maiestye 12 & glory of my kinge,
when I shall voice alond how good
he is, how great shold bee, the enlarged winds that cnrles the floods ^ 16 enioyes such Lybertye.
WhenI drink with boon com* panions
to our canse,
I am as free as a fish.
When flowing cupps run swiftly round
With woe-allaying theames, our carlesse heads wtth roses crowned, 20 our harts with Loyall flames,
when thirsty soules in wine wee steepe,
when cupps and bowles goe &ee, ffishes that typle in the deepe 24 enioyes such Lybertye.
Though in prison,
yet with a pare soul
and free love,
I am free as an angel.
Stone walls doe not a prison make,
nor Iron barrs a cage, the spotlesse soule an[d] Liocent ' 28 Calls this an hermitage.' if I haue freedome in my loue,
& in my soule am free, angells alone that sores aboue 32 enioyes such Lybertye !
ffins.
[Pi«el«
1 This final 8 and several others have been marked through by a later hand. -F.
« flood.— P.
' These lines differ from the nsni reading. — Skeat
21
8KTEEAL collections of Waller's Poems appeared as early as lG45y while be was living in France. The first edition ^'corrected and published witb the approbation of the Author " came out in 1064. "IMien the Author of these verses," says the Printer to the Reader in this one, " (written only to please himself and such particular persons to whom they were directed), returned from abr<jad some years since. He was troubled to find his name in print, but somewhat satisfied to see his lines so ill rendered, that be might justly disown them, and say to a mistaking Printer, as fioe did to an ill Bedter, male dum recitas, incipia esse tuunu Hariag been ever since pressed to correct the many and gross faults (fudi as use to be in impressions wholly neglected by the ft'jtii</f»; his answer was. That he made these when ill verses had Hi T^ i^vijiw and escaped better than good cues do in this age, t*i. Jii#-rerity whereof he thought not unhappily diverted by these t^/ilt.-* in the impression, which hitherto have hung upon his F^^k, aA the Turks hang old raggs (or such like ugly things) '.p^n their fairest Horses, and other goodly creatures, to secure Ui^m against fascination ; and for those of a more coufnui •-L#irr»tAnding (who pretend not to censure) as they admire most »Lit they lea/4 ctjmprehend, so his Verses (muined to that degree *.lmz him«elf scarce knew what to make of many of them), might * .At wav at lea^ have a title to some Admiration, which is no *T^1 Uiatter, if what an old Author observes be true, that the
* Aji •U^ua old tcmg whtteo by Mr. Waller. Se« hit Poems.— P.
■>•>
iim 'f '"^ratr.rs Jk '^cror;'. >i ffiatpnan* TiTirfa. ami of PocCb -Viiminuit.-n: 3e -laii reaa*jn- "aerefon*. ro iiuiuige diiMe fiuxhs in JLLa 3«.*ti£ ratrreliv Tt Tii jic '>* reoaoiied txj ^me^ and •r.'>niizieniic;ti -o itticrrs.'* 3iir rhe .^jUsiiitsaLtioiiiS expresBed in this LorupTtniitrL uui •^jme'^TULt yjnfniing manner, were overcome by the impt-^rmnirr >f "he ^wr.rrfav Prinrer. uiii the Poet at lagt gave leavr '* "o iB&Tir*^ -he E«^er. rhiir "iie P jrms whidi have been so lon^ ^Qlt ^:» ill -«r iirtti inder iii* name, are here to be tbond as he nr?t vrit :htfm. ^ xuso ro iiid -s^jme others which have since been '-'nmpo.reti iv imn.'* The roilowin^ aong does not occur in thia edirltm : ai-r in that n ln82. •* die Fom^ Edltioa with 9er»^ni Aiitiirions ae^er ben>re printe^L"* It appears in that of 171 1, ^the -iii^t •fiiicion^ with odiiidon^.'*' and no doobt in aeveral of die pr-?t't*iiinj£ •e*iirion&
The 9*303^ ia a niir -fpetdnien of Waller's average style. It exhihiu his tsluiv*^ ami his merits — his affeccation, and strained gallantry, with ^methin^ of his elegance and grace.
His life was not a noble one. He was not inspired by that spirit which enabled Lovelace to sing that
dtooe w!iZd ia ooc i pcdon isaks, 5or inn bus a enge.
He lived from 160-5 to 1667, from the year of the Gonpowder Treaaon to the year before the Revolution. He sat in Parlia- ment, for various places, from his nineteenth year to bis death, except from 1643 to the Restoration, in which period his connection with the Royalist Plot of 1643 suspended his public life.
^•J'^i-. 1 ClORIS, farwell ! I needs must goe !
for if With thee I longer stay, thine eyes prevayle upon me soe, •iKhf. 4 I shall grow blynd & lose my way.'
I f/i/irfl V, n, i, uro Almost all eaten away by the ink of the title at the back.— F.
bne of ihj facwtf A tiij joath, ■■iiii[(H lb* rMt too htthi'r brotif^ht ;
^■t IhwHay bou! &I1 afaort of trntli, ■•da aw ' itaf loDgor then 1 thnngbl.
&r I MB WOffigtd. hy woni [anil] othi!
» nmnt to ■Botlinv wiJl ; kit fiv U15 Icnu) wold forfitt Imtfa.
«a« I bat mn to keope iU stil].
Bat alkBt MMtnuivo con I Utkf.
■^i* IMM M vJtb KM lui neoM.
ftr Aim wilt 17 it, *■ it VM ■ iw( d^ bote Oat I to Am * TBflOMtant prtnw^
«B braka d^ oOa to nMnd tiij low."
Bm, Glorit, Fo» ! I wiB ntana, A i*rw thf storj to tlutt height
|j|«t itnagen shall att diatance bnjiie, A dwe diatnist thee * reprobate.
^isi ■hall mjr lone this Doabt displace, A gaiiw the tmst lAdt I maj como
A wmetiinea baoqnett on thy face,
bat stake mj constant meales att home.
2-S»
iSSS"
dotf.— F.
• Umd hi m#. QiL— P.
■ On* itioka too fev in the MS.— F.
• Df*. Qn.— P.
24
This song occurs in the Roocburghe Collection of BcUlads, iii. 256, in the Loyal Oarland containing choice Songs and Sonnets of our late Revolution (London, 1671, Beprinted by the Percy Society), in a Collection of Loyal Songs, in Bitson's Ancient Songs. Mr. Chappell, in his Popular Music of the Olden Time, ii. 434-9, gives the air to which it was sung, along with much information concerning it (which should be read), and nine more stanzas than are included in our Folio. It was written by Martin Parker, as appears from the following extract from the Gossips* Feast or MoraU Tales, 1647 : "The gossips were well pleased with the contents of this ancient ballad, and Crammer Growty-legs replied * By my faith, Martin Parker never got a fairer brat ; no, not when he penn'd that sweet ballad. When the King imjoyes his own a^avn.^ " It was an extreme favourite with the Cavaliers.
Booker, Pond, Bivers, Swallow, Dove, Dade, and Hammond, were eminent astrologers and almanack-makers. See Ritsan, and Chappell, ii. 437, note '.
What Booker can prognosticate, Who can considerrilnfi: now the kin&rdomes state ?
foroteU T 1 .
I thmke my selfe to be as wise 4 as he that gaseth ^ on the skyes ;
my skill goes beyond the depth of Pond • or Biners in the greatest raine, m^^ wherby I can teU thai all things will goe well
own^again? ® when the King enioyes his rights againe.
* An old Caviller Song.— P. * gazeth. — P. ■ ponds. — P.
|
m snoi EsioTM ns uean loua |
29 |
|
|
n» a a>tbr •nU>w. dunnor dxk. |
||
|
<» an ■»• Ugli, or dnrT n<I. |
sia"~ |
|
|
to ikw a naaoa froB the Mama. |
SiS~ |
|
|
u |
wbx riiiiH tlaB OCT daill mno. Iko BU ta tbo Booae Bar *^ou« («t his ■hoo[iic niaaaiag a«ar Oariia biinriic ; |
'•1 |
|
brt an ia to BOO oad, for tbo timn will Dot Dio[ni |
J'] SJSa |
|
|
It |
tiB tho Kta; aoioTaa hia right afpino. All 40 TOMW hia mTall erowno kalk baoae Ua bllioni aad liia oara^ t ia ll>n aajr ana aor' Loo |
SSS5 |
|
s* |
Ikat j. U. aaai aloU alunaia ■ baa. |
|
|
Ihoa b (bat balli aacli ngbta u> lainP |
sSh., |
|
|
thM« la aoa bolNB of a poaoo. or tlin war to Gv [dm |
, »i. ElT' |
|
|
*t |
tin tba Uv aaioroa Ua rigbl agui... |
■ A iOmt Imu Sgiwin wUeh ■muioiIj ['t] wm * wtmt [to] Iwne,
with K aweeto perhme in enmyo roome a^ pa.
■ieliglitfiill to (Adt prinoelj trmine :
wiiich agmine ihmlbe when the times yoa ico *kB t^
/Ant th« Kii^ eniojGs hia right againe.' ^flE^*
ffioa.
AooM.— P. • fomerly t waL— F,
■■■J. P. ' Thb boRli lUiuB ii pnt hvlon the
•kM.— P.